Present Imperfect

Podcast series

Podcast thumbnail: Cyan blue background with the words "Present Imperfect" and the UNICEF logo

On the occasion of the 35th anniversary of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, or the CRC, UNICEF Innocenti – Global Office of Research and Foresight launches Present Imperfect, a podcast series dedicated to children’s rights.

Present Imperfect explores the evolution of child rights over the past three decades - and the decades to come - through interviews with child rights experts on some of the most critical aspects of children’s rights, 35 years after the 1989 approval of the CRC by the United Nations General Assembly.

Over the past 35 years, the Convention has represented a revolution in the lives of children. It holds governments accountable for the well-being of children, and demands laws and policies that fulfill their rights.

To date, 196 states and nations have ratified the CRC, which is also a prerequisite for achieving the 2030 Agenda for sustainable development. Two-thirds of the Global Goals for children’s rights and well-being are off-pace to meet the 2030 targets.

The series is composed of six episodes:

Episode 1: Professor Ann Skelton on the Committee on the Rights of the Child
Episode 2: Professor Cecile Aptel on children and justice
Episode 3: Camila Teixeira on the right to peaceful assembly
Episode 4: Dr. Gavin Wood on the rights of children with disabilities
Episode 5: Dr. Alessandra Guedes and Professor Shanaaz Mathews on intersections between violence against children and violence against women
Episode 6: Dr. Josiah Kaplan on the rights of children on the move

Find Present Imperfect on Apple, Spotify or wherever you listen to your podcasts.

Episode 6

Josiah Kaplan on the rights of children on the move

Present Imperfect, episode six: Josiah Kaplan on the rights of children on the move

Josiah

We could see technical challenges in predicting climate displacement trends or significant, and a lot of the data is still clarifying and emerging, but some estimates range from the potential by 2050 to have an additional 44 to 130 million people, some starker scenarios as high as 216 million people, displaced by climate change. 

Patrizia

Hello and welcome to a new episode of Present Imperfect, the podcast series dedicated to children's rights by UNICEF Innocenti Global Office of Research and Foresight. As always, I'm Patrizia Faustini and I'm joined by the writer and journalist Melanie Grant. 

Melanie

Hi, Patrizia, I'm so happy to be here and ready to just learn and listen on this topic. 

Patrizia

And do you know that this is the last episode in the series? 

Melanie

Oh, don't make me sad, Patricia. I can't believe that we're coming to the end of it. But, you know, let's, right, let's go on a journey and a ride for this one. 

Patrizia

And I feel very sad too, but I think that today we are covering a very interesting and current issue, and this makes me feel much better: children on the move and their rights. As usual, we will have a great specialist and expert who directs research on this topic at UNICEF Innocenti. But before we welcome him, we will just go through the topic.

It's widely recognized that migrants make a positive contribution to inclusive growth and sustainable development in countries of origin and destination and according to the latest report of the Department of Economic and Social Affairs of the United Nations, 281 million people lived outside their country of origin in 2020. They represent about 3.6% of the world's population. 

Melanie

It's important to recall that freedom of movement is a human right, recognized under article 13 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Now, there's no internationally agreed definition of migrants. It varies by context and purpose and when you think of it, there are thousands of people who choose to leave their countries of origin each year looking for better opportunities and a better life.

But an increasing number of migrants are also forced to leave their homes for a combination of multiple reasons. There's poverty, lack of access to health care, education, water, food, housing, the consequences of environmental degradation and climate change, as well as discrimination and conflict. 

Patrizia

And moreover, we must say that while migrants are not inherently vulnerable, they can be vulnerable to human rights violation, and the denial of migrants' rights is often closely linked to discriminatory laws, attitudes, prejudice, or xenophobia. And it is increasingly clear that a lack of human rights-based migration approach at the global and national levels is leading to the routine violation of migrants' rights in transit at international borders and in countries where they migrate to. 

Melanie

And with the adoption of landmark agreements by the UN General Assembly, including the New York Declaration for Refugees and Migrants and the Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration, countries have begun to adopt measures that facilitate migration. 

Patrizia

And probably you noted that this is an overall picture of international migration, but we haven't mentioned children yet. And this is also because children on the move are part of a global phenomenon that involves families and communities. But this cannot hide the fact that children are also persons with rights who exercise their agency and take decisions about their lives and future, including the decision of migrating. In 2020, 36 million out of 281 international migrants, were children and children on the move are not a homogeneous group. They include refugees, internally displaced persons, children who migrate alone or with their families in the hope of a better life, or children who are forced by social, cultural, economic and natural factors. 

Melanie

And sadly, migrating and displaced children are at risk of some of the worst forms of abuse and harm, often dependent on human smuggling. They can easily fall victim to traffickers and other criminals. Many is subjected to extreme forms of abuse and deprivation during their journeys. When and if these children reach their destination countries, the threats they face don't just go away. 

Patrizia

And now, to understand the situation of children who migrate with or without their families, the drivers, the risks and the violation of rights they are subject to, but also what can be done to protect their rights, we have invited Josiah Kaplan, child protection specialist at UNICEF Innocenti. 

Melanie

Josiah is an expert in international aids and child protection, with a passionate interest in the experiences of children and youth in contexts of forced displacement and migration. He serves as a senior research advisor of Safe International's Global Migration and Displacement Initiative, otherwise known as MDI. Together with the team, he contributes to establish, coordinate, and drive forward child focused migration and displacement research and innovation initiative across the safe movement. 

Patrizia

Hello, Josiah and welcome. Thank you for taking the time to be with us today. And before starting, would you like to say something about you? How did you start your career? How did you end up leading on children on the move? And in our introduction, we just mentioned this MDI movement. If you want to say a few words about that, that would be great for our listener. 

Josiah

Sure, Patricia. And, great to be here. You know, you always look back in retrospect and things make sense. I can't say I have had a particular plan for getting here, but I have been working in the domain of humanitarian evidence, for about 15 years. And over that time, I've focused more and more on what we need to know to get better at helping children, ensure that their rights are protected and also their well-being is delivered.

And that's really the function of what we do here at UNICEF. To that end, I've been very fortunate to have opportunities to work on the specific intersection of childhood and mobility. First at Oxford University. Whereas, working with the Refugee Studies Center, looking at how children and young people and their families, make lives for themselves, in how they innovate, how they create livelihood solutions, for their own sustainable, economic, well-being. 

I've worked for, Save the Children first, Save the Children UK and then Save the Children International and at Save the Children International I was very lucky to be part of a really exciting team called the Migration Displacement Initiative that did a lot of work, really, at the intersections of child protection, well-being, education, but with a strong focus on innovation, all through the lens of child migrants and refugees.

And I've, tried to continue that work here at UNICEF Innocenti Global Office of Research and Foresight, where I lead our work, as part of our gender rights protection team, but really crossly thematically looking at child migrants, child refugees, IDPs and other populations of concern that, as we say in UNICEF are part of the children on the move group. And, and I do a lot of work there with my colleagues, on research, evidence, analysis and data, but all of it to the same end, which is improving the practical day to day work we do on behalf of and for these children. 

Melanie

Josiah, it's Melanie here. Thank you so much for joining us. I wonder... this sounds like a fantastic career, and I want to just... If we take it back from your research, who are... can you tell us who the children on the move are, why they're on the move from country to country, and how? 

Josiah

Sure. So, I think to begin, we need to set some definitions up. Some of the categories of children who engage in migration and, and why they do that. But that's a very tricky thing to do, because definitions can vary across different governments, organizations and actors. And often the definitions we use, the categorical containers we place children in for technical and legal and political reasons, that's not how children themselves see them, their own identity, which is much more complex and changes, it's fluid throughout their journeys. So, one very simple and helpful way of defining, who these children are is to think of three broad categories under the term children on the move. The first category is children who move nationally or internationally for a variety of economic and social reasons. The second is children outside of their countries of origin who are in need of specific international protection. And that's where we would group children with refugee status, children in refugee like situations, asylum seeking children. Third are children who are internally displaced within their own countries and whether that is for conflict, violence, displacement or other causes. And across all three categories, which again, are abstractions I'll come back to that point in real in a moment, because in reality, many children do move very fluidly between these domains, we have children who are especially vulnerable and elsewhere we would consider children, for instance, who are unaccompanied minors, who are separated from their families, who are stateless, who are smuggled and or trafficked. And that's really where we do a lot of our work, but by no means, do we consider children not in those categories not priorities as well.

So that's who they are.  As for why they move, well, many move because they can't stay in their homes due to violence or conflict or fragility or environmental stressors. But many also move aspirationally in search of better life opportunities, whether that be improved livelihoods, educational opportunities or family reunification. So critically, movement can be both an act of desperation but also of aspiration, and often are both at the same time. What's really important to emphasize here is that for many, many children, when you talk to them, and that's what we have done through our research, they point to a combination of these reasons, these drivers of movement. It's a complex calculus of push and pull factors, and I just like to say for many of us to work in organizations like UNICEF, and I think for a lot of people listening right now, our audience, who here is living and working in a country they weren't born in or didn't grow up, or community or move from a, you know, their, their hometown to a city far away. We all do this. Migration is intrinsic to all of our lives. And it's complicated. And so that's sometimes where we get challenged about reducing that to simplicity.

As for the third part of your question, in terms of how they move, there are regular and irregular pathways and some of these routes and crossings, particularly the irregular pathways, such as a central Mediterranean crossing or on foot over the Darien Gap in Latin America, are much more dangerous than others. When we say regular and irregular, that's a complicated terminology, and it's politically loaded as well. But there are pathways that are formally recognized by, by states, and then there are those that are not. And taking a child perspective here in some ways, for the child, what matters is what risks they're facing by choosing one pathway over the other.

Some children move with their families and some travel unaccompanied as well, which is why the protection of unaccompanied minors are such a major concern and priority for organizations like UNICEF. But they're again, many, many more, additional movements as well and it's important to point out as well, that many children in contexts of protracted displacement or waiting in limbo asylum claim processing or elsewhere, they're not actively on the move.

And so while we use the term children on the move as a general phrase, for, our purposes of, of planning and operations, there's still an aspect of immobility, often in these journeys. But cutting across all these factors are huge distinctions between how different types of children move. Particularly the differences between how girls encounter challenges and, and adaptations compared to boys, but also children with disabilities, children of different ages. You can imagine the differences in lived experience between a ten-year old's journey and a 60-year old's journey. So obviously a very simplified answer to a very big question, but hopefully gets the ball rolling. 

Patrizia

Thank you, Josiah, very clear and we mentioned before that migrating is a human right. But what does it mean from a child rights perspective? Can you say something to that? 

Josiah

Sure. Yes, absolutely. So, the most important point to start with here is that the UN Convention on the rights of the child, the CRC, enshrines a set of universal rights for children based on the notion that children too are equal human beings, but are also entitled to distinct, necessary protections. And that none of these rights are in any way negated by the fact that the child is in movement.

So, the first point is, is actually a very simple one. A child is a child first, regardless of their migratory status or what a state determines to be their legal status because of migration and, as such, they are fully entitled to their rights as children. And in practice, our work on behalf of children on the move needs to be guided by and informed by the core principles of the CRC, and so what that looks like for children is that some rights, such as the right to non-discrimination, article 2 of the CRC, best interests of the child, article 3, the right to life, survival and development, health and education, article 6,19, 24, 28 and the right to participation, the opportunity to be heard in key decisions affecting them in their family's lives, like article 12,  that all is equally and often particularly important during periods of movement for children on the move. There are also some areas that become very, very pertinent at a technical level, which I'll come to later in terms of the work we actually do, directly with these children, such as the right to birth registration and documentation, in article 7, where the right not to be separated from their families, the right for family reunification, article 10. So, there are many further important nuances here. And the conversation can get very complex very quickly, it's further complicated by the fact that refugees, for example, are specifically defined and protected in international law under mechanisms started with the 1951 Refugee Convention. And ensuring refugees are not expelled or returned to dangerous situations, what we call refold, where their lives or freedom is at risk is a particular domain of children on the move work, but it doesn't mean that children without formal refugee status don't also face similar risks. So, there are grey areas. And there are a number of international connecting global and regional frameworks that help further articulate these rights and protections, such as the Global Compact for migration, Global Compact for refugees. But there's still a lot of work to be done here ensuring, the, the implementation, the enforcement of those mechanisms and a strong voice for children at the table in in helping to co-develop drug solutions.

So just to sum up that, and without getting too much into the legal domain, three points. First, children are children first, regardless of their migration status and as us they're entitled to their basic universal rights as children. Two that legal definitions matter, but they're in constant evolution contestation. And there are grey areas between these categories. And for children caught in those grey areas, that's a particularly perilous and alienating place to be. And third, children who are living and telling their own stories of their journeys, they often do not see the full extent of their experiences fitting neatly into one or between one of those categories of legal definitions. 

Melanie

It strikes me, you know, when I think about it, how? When I think about the beginning and how it starts, I wonder, you know, migration is a multi-part journey. What, the main drivers for children who decide to move in the first instance, can you share some of the global stats and trends on that as well, please? 

Josiah

Sure. Yeah. So, let's zoom out for a moment. We talk about all sorts of, of global issues. This podcast is engaged with a lot of the mega trends and the key factors shaping childhood today and emerging into the 21st century. I would argue that more often than not, the human manifestation of a lot of these mega trends is going to be human mobility, whether that's climate change or urbanization or conflict or technological integration.

People react by moving. And so, this is a huge and cross-cutting theme for UNICEF, but also for the entire aid sector and, and really for all of humanity. And the numbers are pretty staggering. I mean, in 2020, there was an estimated 35.5 million international child migrants, but that's the largest number ever recorded. And that number has been rising regularly year by year.

Most disturbingly, though, the number of children forcibly displaced internally and internationally has more than doubled in the last ten years. So, at the end of 2023, for instance, UNHCR, reports approximately 117.3 million people worldwide living in contexts of forced displacement. Two out of five are children, and it's quite stark. In 2010, 18.8 million children were displaced. In 2023, that number has risen to 47.2 million. And the drivers, are only getting worse, not better. So, children who are coerced to move, due to conflict, to violence, to changing environments, due to severe, resource scarcity. That decision is an absolutely defining one for the rest of, of their children and often the rest of their lives and, you know, on, that side of things, the feeling of insecurity, particularly from violence, it can be due to broad conflict, such as we're seeing in Ukraine and Gaza and unfortunately, many other examples. It could be from also natural disasters, slow and fast onset, but it also can be from household violence. And so there are many drivers of forced displacement, in non-voluntary movement, climate change is a critical one. That is a threat multiplier. It's exacerbating many existing, stress points that cause people to move without wanting to or feeling that they're in a position to do so safely.

We're seeing, for instance, rising ocean levels threatening coastal communities in Bangladesh. We're seeing entire small island states at risk of literally going underwater. Look at contexts like Vanuatu, for instance. We're seeing agrarian communities in hell and elsewhere facing desertification. And, and those numbers are also huge. So, we could see technical challenges in predicting climate displacement. Trends are significant. And a lot of the data is still clarifying and emerging. But some estimates, range from the potential by 2050 to have an additional 44 to 130 million people, some starker scenarios as high as 216 million people, displaced by climate change. And then to see on the other side of that equation is the aspirational drivers, plus push and pull factors for movement.

So we have, you know, the opportunities and the desires, and the aspirations to seek better livelihoods, better education access, better health services, opportunities to earn money in a new community either within your country, in a wealthier part of the country or abroad, and then send money back by remittances. In fact, much of the world's economy works on just that principle, but also opportunities to reunite with family members who may be working away from home.

And importantly, because I think we, particularly those of us listening in the global North or certain Western context, we often view migration through the lens of international migration, but most migration is not, international. It's moving, for instance, from a rural community to a larger urban center in one's own country. 

Melanie

Josiah, can I just ask, how often is the family involved in in this decision? 

Josiah

Well, I would say as a general rule, the decision making around migration is a collective and often negotiated process, and every family is different. So, some children are, extremely powerless in their household. Some are not. And it really is, is extremely dependent on the individuals in that household. But as a general point, the household is part of a collective decision-making process as often as a community.

It's not just an individual, or at least not always an individual. And B, we don't know enough about how that decision-making process occurs. That is one of the cutting-edge areas where we need more research to take a look at the household as a collective decision-making entity in migration. 

Patrizia

And is this decision also, conditioned by peers? So how much adolescents or young, children who decide to migrate, take this decision together with the peers they belong to? 

Josiah

It's a great question. And again, the very short, simplistic answer is that, yes, peers have a huge role to play. And we do see this in in some of the research. We see this anecdotally, and we should probably be saying decisions because the migration journey can be cyclical:  children and young people can often go abroad, return, go abroad, return. There's many, many decision points along a migration channel as well. So, it's not just a onetime decision, but we're also in an era where we're digitally interconnected and factoring that into the process means that children may be influenced by their peers, but they're also influenced by what they see on the internet, globally. And I've worked in, in, refugee contexts where because there's a 3G connection, you have children in protracted displacement, growing up watching, you know, on YouTube commercials for luxury cars in Germany and, and, day to day life in, in Beijing. And it is a, a world of global influences. So, it's very important that we move past a really simplistic view of children as isolated entities because they are they're talking to their families, you're talking to their peers, you're talking to community members who have returned abroad. They may be talking by, you know, WhatsApp to their cousin, who is already living in another country and sending money back through remittances. So, it's a really closely connected world. 

Melanie

So, what are some of the hardest things that children endure when moving and what's what can you explain, a push back of global rights in the field of child migration. What does that mean? 

Josiah

Sure. So let me take that question in two parts. There are many, many challenges, of course, that children face and multiple stages of their journey, starting with the decision to move. And that can be a very, very, very challenging experience, certainly in context of forced displacement, where that decision might be very abrupt and very, very scary.

But even if it isn't, it's still a departure, it's still a goodbye, so, from a, what we would say, a psychosocial dimension that can be an extremely hard and painful process, then there's a period of transit which can be many months, but also if you are flying, that could be a matter of hours. But there is a, a period of liminality in which one is in movement.

And then there's a very long-term experience of trying to make a new life in a new place. We call longer term integration. Some children who return to their community of origin, for instance, those who either voluntarily return or who are deported, they may be facing reintegration in a community that hasn't been home for them for many, many years. So, there are many challenges at those different stages. But the one that I think, you know, immediately come to mind from our child protection work at UNICEF and that of our colleagues and peers is exposure to violence, exploitation and abuse, including trafficking, and then smuggling and border crossings are particularly fraught spaces for children. And, of course, unaccompanied minors are especially vulnerable.

Gender, as I've said, is a huge dimension here, with girls and boys facing very different types of risks and vulnerabilities and the mental health impacts across these journeys, the constant fear, the anxiety and the unknown, the language barriers, encountering xenophobia, marginalization, challenging access to essential services, the psychosocial impact, let alone the physical, or health impact is just tremendous, even though we still don't know enough about that.

In practice, from the evidence base, and we also know that children in, in hosting communities also face similar challenges. And it needs to be recognized that effective and sustainable policies for addressing child well-being, child rights, child protection that needs to take into account children already living in communities of destination or in transit. And I think it does us, you know, service in, in this in this work to disregard that dimension of it.

And that brings me to the second point, which is around pushback. So, migration in all its forms has always been and will always be a highly political and therefore politicized issue. This isn't something to shy away from. This is something anyone working on migration, whether for children or adults or both, needs to accept as a starting premise. Now, only speaking in the realm of international migration, because this is such a vast debate, what I think we're seeing and there's a lot of analysis and a lot of ink spilled on this topic, is the very concerning normalization of policies that threaten, or in some cases, directly violate children's fundamental rights as children as a means of deterring unwanted migration.

And I think we see that in examples such as the fierce debates, very visible, very front and center in, in public discourse around child detainment and family separation along the US Mexican border. You could take the UK's recent debates on the offshore processing of migrant asylum claims. A lot of the controversy surrounding the new EU pact on migration and asylum, and from the child rights community.

There's a lot of concern that these developments are setting precedents that erode respect for core principles of child and adult migrant rights, such as the right to non-refoulement, the right of children not to be detained or institutionalized or separated from their families. Now, the proponents of these policy initiatives argue, in part, that they are taking steps to reduce unsafe pathways of migration, such as the very dangerous crossings by boat along the Central Mediterranean route and deterring smuggling and the risk of exploitative practices like trafficking by tightening up the regulatory, oversight and narrowing of regular pathways.

And I'm not going to summarize or give justice to the full sweep of that debate, but I think it's fair to say we are seeing that as a as a trend, a normative shift, which we call a global pushback against child rights in the migration space. And I think that echoes perhaps a broader global pushback against some of the normative foundations upon which a lot of the international order, post-World War Two, really has been established.

And behind that debate is, I think, a lot of the drivers that we mentioned earlier, poverty, conflict and resource scarcity, climate change, urbanization, technological interconnectivity, and all of those are only increasing. So, while governments may close regular pathways to migration, they are not going to stop the pressure that communities and families and households and individuals feel to move. They're just going to see more and more movement along irregular pathways. And I think that is one of the fundamental policy challenges in need of an urgent solution facing us for the rest of the century. 

Patrizia

Thank you. Josiah. Now let's touch upon, a bit of, positive aspects. Can you discuss some successful strategies or programs implemented to protect children on the move? What should governments do to protect migrant and refugee children? 

Josiah

Sure. So easy question. But I think first of all, the spirit of it is absolutely right. There's a lot of good practice out there, decades of it. And I think sometimes we run the risk in focusing on these big structural issues around migration, displacement of losing sight of the fact that there is still so much more we can be doing and on so many practical, aspects, things we can concretely improve at the programmatic level. So, for example, UNICEF works globally to ensure access to essential protection services, for children on the move and their families, such as mental health and psychosocial support. Access to information, referral pathways to specialized services. We work to keep families together, ensure children have legal status.

We advocate against detainment. We help ensure children stay in school at multiple stages of their journey and stay healthy. And we press for action at an advocacy level, on, combating xenophobia and discrimination and also some of the root causes that, that, drive children in their families to leave communities for good when they would prefer to stay. And all of these dimensions are part of holistic, multi thematic, multi-regional and multi-country programmatic responses, such as our work along migration routes in East West, sub-Saharan Africa, the Central Mediterranean, in in Asia, in South Asia, in Latin America, up through the Darien Gap to the US, Mexico border. This is a vast array of, of interventions, but of course, that's just UNICEF.

We work closely with partners across the UN system and the wider aid sector. And I could give you hundreds more examples from across the world, from colleagues in other agencies. But also, and I really do want to stress this, I would say that that the vast bulk of the best practices out there are being implemented by community-based organizations and civil society, many led by migrant and displaced youth and adults themselves.

And in fact, for listeners who may feel they want to be part of solutions, I'd encourage you to go local as local as possible. If you're not already, see what your own community is doing to support and protect migrant and displaced children. And if it isn't enough in your backyard, then start something. And so, there's a lot of inspiration out there. At the same time, the critical bottleneck at the programmatic level is a severe lack of sustainable resourcing and we need to have commitments from donors, from governments, but also from other partners, such as a private sector, to help provide the resources and political will to sustain the scale of programmatic interventions that we're going to need to keep pace with these growing global populations that I've been speaking about thus far and right now we're only getting a fraction of that. So, I do want to end on a positive note. There's great work being done, there's inspirational work being done, and there's a lot we know from the evidence about how to do this right. But we need to make sure that the political will and the resourcing is there to actually put it into practice. 

Melanie

Very positive. You mentioned earlier, host countries and how they receive children on the move. How can how can we ensure that children on the move are given a voice and, and can contribute to actively to their new host countries and communities when they arrive? 

Josiah

Well, the simple answer is talk to them and ask them. And the complicated answer is creating the spaces and investing in the spaces that allow that to happen. Or even better, that build on what is already happening. So, creating safe and inclusive spaces for participation, like child friendly forums and digital platforms, ensuring we build strong consultation mechanisms into the design of our participatory policy and programming work, embedding child participation in national frameworks and mechanisms around migration, asylum systems, really enshrining that and ring fencing it in national laws and policies and of course, and of course making sure that children are represented in global forum like the global refugee for the cop climate talks, the UN General Assembly, which is, going on right now. Now, we already have a lot of these youth leadership platforms in place, but we need to better integrate them and ensure that they're better consulted in the policy formation process.

And that requires empowering youth leaders through education and advocacy training, leadership training. Notice I'm saying we collectively as the adults in the room, but a lot of the fundamental problem with this work is that we are presuming we are holding the invitation letter. And while we're doing this, children and youth around the world are reacting in their own ways in a myriad of ways, not just at policy forums, but through art and music and expression, through conversations in schoolyards, through anger, through protests about what they're seen as, as global challenges and the exclusion of their voices around the table.

And migration and displacement are, of course, as we discussed earlier, front and center in these public debates. So, we need to also be building on what exists and what children and youth are already leading on themselves. That engagement also critically needs to be inclusive. It needs to be gender sensitive. It needs to include children of disabilities. It can't just focus on the oldest youth or, you know, we say young people that that sometimes invisible as is the voices and needs of younger children themselves who, you know, ten year old may not be in a position to address a global youth forum, but they have voices, they have perspectives that are very distinct to the ten-year-old experience. And I think, you know, we have a lot of, of opportunities to do just that.  At Innocenti, for instance, we've been spotlighting the work of refugee led youth organizations who are an under acknowledged source of leadership in refugee communities and mixed migrant communities for informing meaningful, impactful, youth-centred program design. So, there's a lot of very exciting work to be done in this space. And again, there's a lot of inspiration there and hope. 

Melanie

How do you think international cooperation can enhance respect and implementation of the rights of the child on the move? 

Josiah

Well, I would say international cooperation is essential. It's almost a starting premise. Through coordinated efforts, countries and international organizations can create they can create more effective legal frameworks, allocate resources more efficiently, and they can do more to ensure collaboratively that the rights of child migrants we've already been discussing are upheld globally. That means, in practice, strengthening legal protections for children through the enhancement and reinforcement of international law, creating binding obligations and perhaps more enforceable guidelines, such as through existing mechanisms like the global compacts.

And it also requires a lot of adaptation, innovation and creative thinking in multinational funding, landscapes and mechanisms, and a donor push to signal the need for more multilateral coordination between aid agencies. So that pressure really does need to come from governments and from donors. A critical gap remains the coordination of cross border child protection mechanisms, children's routes, really, really challenging, kind of neat and clean distinctions in in geographical zones.

Responsibility we like to see on maps as, as bureaucracies, children move between countries, between regions back and forth. They require us to think in truly international ways, as well as regional ways. And even within a country, thinking in, in new joined up ways. And so the international, the national and local cannot be separated. And we need more equitable resource sharing. We need technical and financial support and capacity enhancement from wealthier countries and international bodies like those in the UN to better support origin, transit and host countries throughout the global South, which again bear a disproportionate, burden of responsibility in in addressing these global migration and displacement challenges. It's a huge discussion. And many priorities are being left unsaid in this answer.

But in short, international cooperation isn't a question. It's a foundational assumption of better supporting children on the move. 

Patrizia

And now, Josiah, can you say something about the research role in implementing the rights of children on the move? 

Josiah

Sure. It's absolutely essential. Research is part of a spectrum of evidence, including as well, data for site evaluation and analysis. Let's know what works, what doesn't, why and how we can get better. That's the heart of evidence-based decision making and design. We work with key evidence. Leaders across the UN system, including our close colleagues at UNHCR and IOM, in regional organizations, in ministries, civil society, and critically in academia as well, and then think tanks to generate their cutting-edge, evidence and feed that directly into evidence-based decision making.

I see this as well. And I think my colleagues at in a chance to share this not just as a practical imperative, but an ethical one as well. We are accountable to doing the best we can for these populations, for claiming to support. And to do that, we need to learn and improve, at the same time, there remains huge gaps in our knowledge and our knowledge coordination. We need for one much, much more in the way of grounded insights into children's lived experiences in context of migration and displacement in their own voices. At UNICEF Innocenti I'm very proud of the research we've done in this space, which includes hearing from children's perspectives in contexts of migration and displacement around the world, from the Horn of Africa to Afghanistan, Pakistan, North Africa, and Europe. But there's so much more to do here. And I would certainly encourage any listeners who might be in, in academia or in research contexts, to reach out, because this is where we're going to find, that, that that rich body of collaborative knowledge generation. But we also need better coordination and management of what we do know of the data and evidence we have from across the aid sector, governments and research communities, and sometimes when I speak to this question, it sounds a little bit of a paradox, but it's true in some ways. We have huge gaps in data, in evidence, in research and analysis, in other domains. We're absolutely drowning in too much information that is not being used. And so, we need coordination here. I'd like to mention, as an example of good practice, the leadership of the International Data Alliance for children on the move, which is a cross-sectoral global coalition that aims to improve data and statistics and support evidence-based policymaking for children on the move. And that's something that UNICEF is proud to co-lead with colleagues from Eurostat, IOM, OECD and UNHCR. And I think it's mechanisms like that that are urgently needed to make sure that we're not just answering knowledge gaps, but that we're giving a pathway and a coordination function to all of that, that very rich and valuable information, again, for the purpose of improving the work we do in the impact, we do for children on the move. 

Patrizia

Thank you. Josiah, I have one last question before finishing off this very, very interesting conversation, what are the three most urgent things you would like to have for children on the move worldwide? So, what would you recommend? 

Josiah

I'm glad we're ending on such an easy one. Now, the real answer here is is looking at this is an amazingly complex and absolutely urgent issue. It's only becoming more complex and more urgent by the day as again, we're seeing the combined drivers of factors, like conflict, climate change, resource scarcity, urbanization. I also want to mention here large-scale demographic shifts amongst others.

That's going to manifest in more and more people in movement, including children. So, there's more than just three things to do, of course, but unequivocable urgent priorities first is the maintenance of international respect for and offering a staunch defense of the fundamental rights of children enshrined in the CRC, regardless of the modality with which they engage in movement.

Those rights are portable, but they're non-negotiable. There's nothing about being quote unquote on the move that negates them. And against a growing normalization, the challenges, the managing of migration, as somehow a space in which, we can compromise on those, those, those values that calls for strong pushback, for strong defense. Now, of course, at the same time, we need to work out pragmatic, realistic policy and programmatic solutions that maintain these red lines, but also, consider the needs of host communities of, of political realities as well. And that's where the true challenge lies. And maybe that's something for another podcast, perhaps. But we can't go forward in this space without remaining firmly committed to and staunch defenders of children's human rights. Second, we need to ensure that children are engaged throughout the process as co-owners and co-creators of their own solutions.

This does not mean, and here I'm addressing colleagues in the child protection rights space, specifically adding undue burden on young people with enough on their plates to also do our work for us. Nor does it mean tokenistic representation, but it does mean we make child participation and engagement a meaningful part of the work we do on behalf of all children on the move.

And third, we need to be preparing yesterday for the future. We need to be working to identify, through data and evidence led decision making, through foresight and anticipatory planning and thinking, what is working and what do we need to scale up in terms of solutions, what isn't working, and what needs to be fixed in our approaches to ensure more impactful action, and what will not keep pace with rapidly evolving trends. So, we need to be addressing the problems of 2024 we absolutely need to be thinking about 2050 simultaneously. All three of those priorities, I think are in good hands if we take a proactive stance towards them because I am every single day inspired by the work that my colleagues at UNICEF and its partners across the aid sector are doing, but also the millions and millions of dedicated people at all levels, from global to especially communities who are doing amazing work on behalf of children on the move and, you know, it's perhaps a cliche thing to say, but I think it certainly brings me a lot of peace. Next time you see terrible, imagery in the media of crises where people are running or leaving their homes are in crisis, pay attention to those who are there helping and moving in the direction of the problem. And they're out there and many of those people are from migrant and forcibly displaced backgrounds themselves.

And I want to end by applauding their efforts because, well, we have a lot of work to do on these issues those three priorities I mentioned, they're achievable, as are the opportunities that I've been speaking to, as long as that will is there and we are doing everything we can to support and enable it. 

Patrizia

Thank you very much, Josiah. This is the end of our very interesting conversation and see you on the next podcast. As you said, I take this as a sort of promise for being on another podcast, on a new series if there would be a new one. Thank you very much, Josiah. 

Melanie

Thank you so much, Josiah. 

Josiah

Thank you. It's been a pleasure. 

Patrizia

We just listened to Josiah Kaplan on the rights of children on the move and, as we learnt, children on the move are not a homogeneous group, rather a category which refers to children with different status stories, experiences and needs which change along the way they migrate. And first and foremost, we have to remember that children, independently from their situation and condition are children first. And for that reason, they are entitled to the same protection, care and treatment everywhere in the world, no matter why he or she leaves the home, where he or she comes from, where he or she is, or how he or she got there. So, a child is a child. And the rights of this children need to be respected everywhere in the world. We also heard that children on the move faced numerous challenges, but despite this, they remain resilient, creative and full of potential. And giving them a voice is very important for them to contribute in the country where they arrive, as well as in the country where they, come from. If enabled, they can contribute to their new communities, and together we can create a really a society where every child thrives and contributes. Don't you think so, Melanie? 

Melanie

Yeah. I couldn't have said it better. Patricia. I think, the most important thing that I took from Josiah was we need to listen to those children on the move to hear what they need and what they want. And it was just interesting to hear about the reasons the drivers for migration and children on the move and just, just the fact that they are a force and they, they do have the they, they, they have rights and they have a right to safe spaces and safe travel and also just to be welcomed wherever they go, no matter what country and where that might be. 

Patrizia

Now, I'm afraid it's time to say goodbye to our listeners. But before I want to thank my co-host Melanie Grant, it has been a wonderful journey and a pleasure to be with you on this series. 

Melanie

Likewise, Patricia. It's been it's been amazing. It's been a real journey. And a journey of discovery and learning. And it's been great. Thank you. So, so I. 

Patrizia

Hope that also, our listeners, enjoyed this series, as much as we did. And I want to say thank you to them and goodbye. I hope that this is something that, we can repeat soon with the new series, perhaps, on still on children's rights. There are many more topics that we need to cover. And I want also to remember everyone that, this year we celebrate the 35th anniversary of the Convention on the rights of the child, which is, our leading treatment, first of all, for setting and respecting children's rights. Every government, who has ratified, the Convention, which is that all governments but one, are obliged to look at this convention and implement the rights of children. 

It was a wonderful experience. And if you aren't already a subscriber, please do subscribe. If you want to write to us, our email address is [email protected]. Follow us at Unicef Innocenti on Instagram, LinkedIn and Facebook. In a charity is spelled as 

I N N O C E N T I. This episode was produced by Unicef in a charity, Global Office of Research and Foresight in collaboration with UMECast and music composed by Haydn Cheema . I am Patrizia Faustini 

Melanie

And I'm Melanie Grant and this is Present Imperfect. 

Patrizia

Stay tuned for the next podcast series from UNICEF Innocenti. More is coming and is coming soon. Thank you very much. Goodbye. 

Melanie

Goodbye. 

Episode 5

Alessandra Guedes and Shanaaz Mathews on intersections between violence against children and violence against women

Present Imperfect, episode five: Alessandra Guedes and Shanaaz Mathews on intersections between violence against children and violence against women

Shanaaz

I had a 14-year-old talk about going into a sexual assault specialized service, you know, going in, disclosing the sexual abuse and wanting to have a go in for an examination. And they said to her, you know, the perpetrator … he's a friend of your and this happened six months ago. Come back on Monday, this is not an emergency.

Patrizia

Hello. Welcome to episode five of Present Imperfect, the podcast series dedicated to children's rights by UNICEF Innocenti Global Office of Research and Foresight.

I am Patrizia Faustini, and as usual, I'm accompanied on this journey by Melanie Grant. Hi, Melanie.

Melanie

Hi, Patrizia. Really glad to be here. And this topic, I think is going to be a really good one for us today.

Patrizia

We will explore intersections between violence against children and violence against women, with two special guests and experts. But before welcoming them, let's explore the topic a little. Violence against women is one of the most pervasive and widespread violation of human rights in the world. There are several international human rights standards which assert the violence against women as a form of discrimination and a violation of women's fundamental rights and freedoms.

Melanie

Now, if we frame violence against women as a human rights violation, then it represents an important shift which recognizes that violence is the result of structural, deep-rooted discrimination. States are requested to prevent and protect women from violence, punish perpetrators of violent acts, and support victims of violence.

Patrizia

Also, ending all forms of discrimination and all forms of violence are targets of the Sustainable Development Goals by 2030. However, figures on the prevalence of gender-based violence against women are alarming. According to data by the World Health Organization, one third of women globally experienced physical and or sexual intimate partner violence at least once in their lifetime. Violence against children and violence against women intersect in multiple ways, and what we know about these intersections come primarily from research on two common forms of violence that children and women experience: violent discipline by parents and caregivers, and intimate partner violence against women, globally.

Melanie

Most recent estimates suggest that around two thirds of children aged between as little as 1 to 14 have experienced violent discipline from their caregivers, and more than a quarter of women will experience physical or sexual violence from an intimate partner in their lifetime.

Patrizia

Preventing violence against children and women requires tackling their social and behavioural determinants, including gender inequality. They include gender norms that devalue women and girls, reinforce male dominance and aggression, and create hierarchies of power.

Melanie

Harmful gender norms impact on parenting and shape children's opportunities based on their sex or gender identity. Evidence shows that men who support gender inequality are more likely to use violence against children and violence against women. Parents who justify intimate partner violence are more likely to violently discipline their children.

Patrizia

To delve deeper into such a complex topic is now time to welcome our special guests. Alessandra Guedes, who leads the research on ending violence against children and violence against women at UNICEF Innocenti in Italy, and Professor Shanaaz Mathews, a global expert on preventing violence against women and children.

Melanie

Let's talk about Alessandra first. Alessandra has dedicated 30 years of her professional life to promoting children's and women's rights and health, including working intensively to end violence against children and against women. Prior to joining UNICEF in 2019, Alessandra served as the World Health Organization's Regional Advisor for the Americas on ending Violence against children and violence against women, and as the co-chair of the Sexual Violence Research Initiatives Coordinating Group, a role she still continues to occupy.

Patrizia

Shanaaz is a professor in the Faculty of Health Sciences and director of the Children's Institute at the University of Cape Town. She is the evaluation co-lead of the UK Global Program on What Works to prevent violence against women and children at scale, with more than 30 years’ experience in the women's and children's sectors. She currently serves as a commissioner for The Lancet Commission on Gender Based Violence and Youth Maltreatment and is the associate editor for Child Abuse Review Journal.

Patrizia

Hello Alessandra and Shanaaz. So welcome to Present Imperfect and thank you for taking time to be with us today. Before starting our conversation, would you like to say something about you for our listeners? How did you start your career? How did you end up working on violence against women and violence against children? Or any other information you would like to share with us.

Alessandra

Shanaaz, you want to go first? Do you want me to go?

Shanaaz

Sure, yeah. I started my career at a children's hospital in South Africa and worked with child abuse cases, mainly child sexual abuse and, did counselling at that stage, but moved into the area of violence against women when South Africa became a democracy and I think, you know, that kept me firmly in both fields, both understanding violence against children and then violence against women.

And I think over the years have tried to keep both very close in the area of work that I do.

Alessandra

Yeah. And so, to my end, I have a very convoluted history and I won't talk too much about it because it could take a whole podcast, but I actually have a background in art. And then I went into art and mental health. And like Shanaaz, I worked with children who have experienced quite severe forms of abuse.

And I also worked in a very large psychiatric hospital that included a maximum-security prison. So, I was working, mostly with men who had committed pretty horrible acts of violence. And then from there, I went to public health and started to work on sexual and reproductive health for adolescents and then for women, and then started my journey initially on violence against women.

And then, over the past ten years or so, increasingly on violence against children and on the intersections between these forms of violence.

Patrizia

Thank you, Shanaaz and Alessandra, I want to ask how these forms of violence, violence against children and violence against women are defined, how they intersect and overlap. Who would like to start? Shanaaz? Alessandra?

Shanaaz

I think intuitively my work. As I said, I started working with violence against children and particularly child abuse, and it's really interesting because working in a very clinical setting at the time, and I didn't realize that Alessandra also worked in a hospital, you soon understand that these problems are really intertwined, interconnected, that often when I saw children who was, particularly girls, who were sexually abused, mothers would talk about their own experience of sexual violence as well, or intimate partner violence. And I think, you know, Alessandra, for your work, have brought some of the theory together, but it's really important that we understand that intuitively as, as practitioners, you … when you work in the field, you see those interconnections.

And it's probably only over the last decade that we've just created, made those connections because these areas of work have been, when I was working in the area of violence against children, it was so kind of separated from violence against women and working in the area of violence against women, you kind of separate our children, but you can't legally separate them out.

And I and I think that's what, over the past decade or so we've started understanding that not only are they connected in, you know, by the kind of same having the same risk factors that drive both these problems, but we also see that they co-occur within the same households. And I think for me, the most important thing that I've seen in my work, because I did research with very violent men who killed their intimate partners, a part of my work had been to look at femicide in South Africa, and I did the first national study.

But I also wanted to understand pathways for men to take on violent masculinities. And doing that, interviewed men who killed their partners in prison. And that just kind of showed the kind of intergenerational consequences and how violence during childhood can shape men's masculinities, but also that these, this intergenerational consequence says that we have to start thinking of disrupting. And how do we break this intergenerational cycle of violence really early on? Alessandra, that you might want to add. Yeah.

Alessandra

So I think you ask a really interesting question, Patrizia, about definitions and terminologies. In our field we can spend a lot of time arguing about different terminologies, and even in our own organization we sometimes use different terminologies. For example, for a long time, the terminology gender-based violence has been used to refer primarily to violence against women. That's how it initially came about, although nowadays there are more and more colleagues who argue that it should really encompass multiple forms of violence, including against individuals who don't conform to certain gendered expectations.

And more and more, we've used violence against women, but then some colleagues use violence against women and girls, and some use gender-based violence against women and violence against children, and violence against adolescents. And I think on the one hand, particularly when we're doing research, it's very important for us to know what we mean and what's included and excluded in those forms of violence. I think what these different terminologies speak about is something that Shanaaz has mentioned, which is how fragmented the field has been. And I think that the most obvious fragmentation is between the child protection work and violence against children - and even between these two there is slightly different - and the violence against women.  And rightly so, Shanaaz, I think you know, those who have been providing direct services to families and children and women have been struggling with how these, forms of violence and other risk factors - like economic insecurity, housing stability, alcohol and substance abuse cluster around certain families and certain individuals.  And so, on the one hand, it's not surprising that one would see all of these different connections between these forms of violence. And I think today we're talking specifically about violence against children and violence against women, primarily within families. But there are connections to other forms of violence, gang related violence, you know, and other forms of crimes that, remain still quite separated from, from these fields.

And I think what we've done in the past ten years is try to understand, from an empirical point of view, what the evidence is. And Shanaaz alluded to some of the key intersections like shared risk factors, gender inequality being a really strong one. We also have very compelling evidence that early exposure to violence is the most consistent predictor of perpetration of violence later in life, and in some cases of experiencing violence later in life.

And I think now we are much better than we were ten years ago. But we still have, I think, a long way to go, in terms of bringing these communities of researchers, practitioners, policymakers, to work together and develop, ultimately, policies and programs that result in the best outcomes for children, women and families. I think that's a pretty shared goal that that we have across these areas of work.

Melanie

Hi, Shanaaz. Hi, Alessandra. It's Melanie here. Shanaaz. What would you say the impact of being exposed to violence for children and women? In the immediate it. And in the long term.

Shanaaz

You know, my sense is when we think about violence against women or any form of violence, we immediately think of the physical effects. And it's really critical for us to understand that's just the tip of the iceberg. When you start thinking about the effects of violence against women and violence against children. The other concept I want to introduce is to start thinking about a life course approach, because if you start thinking about violence, particularly a woman who is exposed to intimate partner violence while she's pregnant, it also has an impact on her unborn baby.

It has an impact on how she sees herself during her pregnancy, and also her ability to be available and to provide the nurturing care that baby needs soon after birth. So, I think it's really critical that our conceptualization of what violence is and how violence is experienced, that we should be expanding just our thinking around it.

So, for women, very clearly, we understand that violence can have physical effects, but they are also the kind of health effects it's often not seen. There's also the mental health impact like depression, suicidality, anxiety, eating disorders that often is not seen and often is diminished by other factors. I mean, my work on femicide shows very clearly that violence can also kill with intimate partner violence.

The most severe consequence is death for the women, and similarly for children. Violence in the home has and focusing on violence in the home it has both immediate and long-term effects. And really importantly also is the cumulative effect of the violence that children are exposed to. For children particularly, we know it's impairing their cognitive development.

It can impact on school outcomes, the behavioural outcomes that we see and aim to intervene. Also the mental health outcomes, particularly for girls and boys, what we see is the gendered impacts on girls and boys, girls internalize often what they experience.

So, you have more mental health impact like, suicidality, depression, anxiety disorders after the trauma since childhood that accompany that child into adulthood as well. Importantly, we've got to understand it also increases the risk for risky sexual behaviour. So, increase, you know, and therefore early pregnancy amongst, young people. And I think, you know, it's critical for us to start thinking about how we to set up these pathways really early on, in order for us to have better outcomes for children, but simultaneously, to think about what children experience during childhood, then impacts on who they become as an adult and also impact on relationships and relationship formations.

What we do know about experiences of violence during childhood, for instance, girls who experience violence both in the home as well as sexual violence by strangers, are at increased risk for intimate partner violence as adults and experience child sexual abuse, also increase risk for sexual abuse later as adults, therefore the cycle continues, creating an intergenerational cycle of violence.

One of my PhD students are looking at women who experienced child sexual abuse and their own ability to parent as adults, and we see really interesting outcomes here because not only has child sexual abuse impacted on her and her ability to form relationships and to be an intimate relationship as an adult woman, but it also impacts on her ability to parent her own children.

It's really critical for us to start thinking about how these interconnections, impact on the next generation and the type of interventions we should be putting in place to disruptors, intersections quite early on.

Melanie

Alessandra, I've got a few questions in one here, but what are the shared risk factors for violent discipline and intimate partner violence? And is gender inequality which you mentioned earlier? A driver of violence? And does alcohol play a part in that?

Alessandra

It's a lot of questions, really.

Melanie

Sorry.

Alessandra

And I think Shanaaz also alluded to this, in her one of her earlier responses when she was talking about shared risk factors. And I think a lot of the research does come from looking at violent discipline of children and intimate partner violence against women. We, you know, 20 recently published a paper looking at those intersections and, importantly, looking at what to do about those intersections, because I think, in a way, we are at a stage where we've made the case that these forms of violence are connected, and now we need to focus our attention on if they're connected.

What does that mean for programs policies in practice. And that's where we're … we're trying to, to focus on. But I think you mentioned gender inequality, Melanie. And I think, behind those forms of violence is this idea of control and power in who has control and power over home, and is it adults over children, and is it men over women?

And there's some interesting work, you know, over the past year looking at, how do you justify certain forms of violence? And there's, national surveys from a number of countries that ask a question about, you know, when is a husband justified in beating his wife? And there are a whole series of, possible responses that people can say.

And so, you know, she burned the food. She went out without telling. He suspects that she's unfaithful. She refuses to have sex. So, behind all of these scenarios is this idea that the woman is behaving in a way that is socially and gendered and unacceptable, and that's the same idea that's behind violent discipline of children. You are correcting a misbehaviour.

You're doing it so that the child behaves in the way that you think you know he or she should behave. And I think that that's a really those norms, and expectations that are gendered, for boys and girls, men and women are really important and central, to understanding those forms of violence. And then you asked about the issue of alcohol.

We also have really strong evidence, you know, when we're asking women what triggered a particular moment of violence by an intimate partner. And consistently across countries, alcohol, and the use of alcohol is there. And then we find ourselves in this a bit of a contentious, in terms of the violence against women field, because obviously we're not saying that the alcohol was responsible for that behaviour.

Right. Individuals are ultimately responsible for their behaviour, whether they had alcohol or, you know, regardless of what, other factors may be at play. And yet there is a strong correlation. And so there have been some interesting, interventions, including in my own country, Brazil, for example, of reducing sales of alcohol, reducing the hours of sale of alcohol.

And, and they have seen a correlation with reductions of different forms of violence. One that happens. So, on the one hand, it's important that we are clear about the gendered nature of violence. And if there are strategies that we can use to reduce the levels of violence, including alcohol, and mental health, etc., then we need to look at those two.

Melanie

I should say we didn't mention drug abuse either, did we? Or were the drugs play a part?

Alessandra

I think both with drugs and alcohol? And Shahnaz, please weigh in. You know, you've got this relationship where, you know, maybe alcohol triggers the violent behaviour. And at the same time, alcohol can be used to self-medicate. For all kinds of mental health issues. But also, we see women who experience violence and children who, you know, adolescents, who experience violence, relying on alcohol as a form of self-medicating and dealing with the issues.

So, it goes both ways.

Patrizia

But just to comment on this, Alexandra. So, alcohol or drug abuse amplifies something, which is, already, let's say, embedded in the behaviour or in the, in the experience that these men have, have had meaning. So, because before Shahnaz was referring to the fact that, this experience of violence in the very early years then impact on the life of children and when they will become adults. So, there is already something which is structural that can be amplified by the use of alcohol or drugs or things like that. Don't you think so? So, I mean, I, I see that there is some kind of difference because it would be very easy if one of the problems would be alcohol, you know, to work on that or establish some limitations in the hours during the day when people can do so.

It would be easier. But I think that it's much more complex to address this issue, because there are structural issues that need to be addressed at the structural level, which implies social, cultural, political and so on.

Alessandra

Yeah. I mean, I think that's exactly what I was alluding to, that we are not suggesting that alcohol causes violence and that if we take alcohol away, violence will go away. That's not what I'm saying. And I think a couple of important points. One is, you know, you often have a situation where, okay, the alcohol triggered violence, but violence against home, usually against a woman in the household or the children in the household, not against your boss in the office, you know, or usually.

So, there is something there. But I also, and this brings me to the point that I wanted to mention earlier, when Shanaaz was talking about the impact of different forms of violence, which is, you know, I, I worked for ten years prior to UNICEF and the World Health Organization at the Regional Office for the Americas, and we often had ministers of health coming through, and they would always make a presentation about the health situation in the country in what their, you know, proposals were inconsistent.

You would see violence, at least in the top five, usually top three causes of mortality. And then they would talk about, you know, the interventions that they were putting in place to address the key causes of mortality or morbidity and violence prevention was nowhere to be seen. And so, there's this idea that, you know, violence, yes, it impacts health, but it's a problem of the justice system or it's a problem for somebody else, not the health system. And yet we see, like Shanaaz said, it impacts educational outcomes. It impacts health outcomes. It impacts economic outcomes. You know, there's some studies around the costs of violence, particularly in terms of direct service provision within the health system, in the justice system. And so, you need my point being, but we said that you're right we need this multisectoral intervention.

And within that multisectoral intervention, maybe for certain contexts, looking at alcohol consumption is a possibility. I'm not suggesting that it's the only possibility or that it's the best possibility for other all contexts. But we'd need to be looking at what is the situation in a particular context. What are the risk factors, and then coming up with interventions that are going to be suitable to that particular context?

Patrizia

Clearly, Alessandra thank you. And still Alessandra or Shanaaz, if you prefer. I want to now for a moment, focus on adolescents. Adolescence is a critical period in the life of everyone, first of all, because normally is when young people experience sexual relationships, emotional relationships, and my question is: is it also a crucial period of life, when young people experience some forms of violence which can elevate or initiate? How does this affect boys and girls differently? Is there a difference between boys and girls?

Alessandra

So, it's a really good question. And I think, you know, given that we're talking about how violence against children and violence against women intersect, one of the things that we see over and over again is that somehow adolescents fall through the gaps. So those who are working on child protection and violence against children in general tend to focus on a younger age group. And those who are working on violence against women are usually looking at women once they have established a relationship or married or cohabiting with someone. So, this age group, which, to your point, we do have compelling data about the higher risks that adolescent girls are exposed to, particularly to intimate partner violence and sexual violence by known partners. And we also have some interesting data, including from South Africa, where Shanaaz is from looking at when does perpetration of certain types of violence, including sexual violence, start for boys, and it's usually around adolescence, so it's both an age group of higher risk, but also an age group, you know, where there's so much going on in terms of brain development, in learning that it's an excellent opportunity to intervene.

Some might argue that even earlier, you know, earlier adolescence, adolescence usually is defined as the age group between 10 and 19 that earlier the better. And so, it's a very important group. And I would add, you know, in early November, there is the first global ministerial conference on Violence against children that's being co-hosted by UNICEF, the World Health Organization, the Secretary-General's Special Representative on Violence against children in Government of Colombia in Sweden.

And we at UNICEF are promoting three events around adolescence and adolescent girls at that conference, understanding that this is an age group that we really need to pay greater attention to. Over to you, Shanaaz.

Shanaaz

Yeah, I think similarly from South Africa and my work on homicides and child homicides in South Africa shows exactly that pattern, where you see the different forms of violence escalating. So, for girls, you know, you get the kind of rape homicides that's really exaggerated. So, the gendered forms of violence, is amplified during adolescent period. And like Alexandra said, you know, my work, particularly on child homicides, have shown that as early as from the age of about 11, 12, you start seeing an escalation on peer-on-peer male violence with homicides in that age group increasing.

And therefore, when we start thinking about interventions, I would, I mean, my call would be that we should be thinking about shifting particularly, you know, the kind of mask masculinity and practices around masculinities, even to shape those before they settle during adolescence, because it's those kinds of harmful behaviours also that shape relationships between and dating violence. They start quite early. And we want to shift those patterns before it starts solidifying because the pattern that develops during adolescence then shifts into adulthood as well. And it shapes relationships between young men and young women as they, into, young adulthood and the shaping of those relationships is so critical during adolescence. But really interesting  what you mentioning, Alessandra, is how services, and particularly adolescent girls and boys fall through the cracks.

One of the research projects I was working on was looking at what children want from services after being sexually abused. And it's really interesting that adolescent girls experiences are so different to younger age groups. I had a 14-year-old talk about getting into a sexual assault specialized service, you know, going in, disclosing her sexual abuse and wanting to have a go in for an examination and they said to her, you know, the perpetrator, he's a friend of yours. And this happened six months ago. Come back on Monday. This is not an emergency. And it's that kind of services, services are not geared to understand how disclosure happens and that actually it can take years for one to feel comfortable to disclose what's happening, particularly if the person's known to you because, and it's such a complex process and therefore supporting adolescents during that phase is so critical and services are not geared and or not thinking about how you create adolescent friendly services.

Melanie

I do wonder sometimes, you know, whether we as a society, have become desensitized and hence that example that you're giving Shanaaz, which is just, you know, imagine that. I just can't imagine how that child or that adolescent feels being told to come back, because this is not important. And I just wonder whether we as a society, as human beings, sadly desensitized to it, as if it's become the norm when it shouldn't ever be the norm.

Alessandra

Maybe I can react to that, Melanie. And, I mean, there's absolutely no excuse at all, right, I mean, we all agree on that, but I think it touches on an important point, which is, the vicarious trauma that people who are working on these issues experience, whether they are providing services, whether they're doing research, whether they're, you know, it's I mean, I've been working in this field for 30 years, and I can tell you, I mean, it is heavy and I'm removed from direct contact for the most part, you know? So again, I'm not excusing that behaviour at all, but I'm saying that when we're thinking about establishing these services that we need to be ensuring that we're providing care to those providers and to those researchers to make sure that they are able to act in the best interests, of, you know, of the individuals, children, women, adolescents, that they are meant to be caring for. So that's an important point for us to consider, too.

Melanie

Thank you.

Shanaaz

And also remembering, Alessandra, that the service providers themselves are largely women working in this field and themselves have been exposed to forms of violence. And, and therefore the kind of vicarious trauma is real and, you know, not just being shaken up, you know, not only secondary victimization, but also thinking about the reliving their own experiences constantly.

Alessandra

That's a really important point. And as you know, and I spent a number of years training healthcare providers, on these issues. And the starting point has got to be their own experiences. And we're not, you know, a training is not the place to encourage people to disclose their own experiences necessarily. But unless we address the, the traumas that folks have experienced, and I think violence for sure. But, you know, in medical environments, there's often a lot of hierarchy and often harassment. And so, in Latin America, for example, when I was working for International Planned Parenthood, we found that we needed to start by addressing sexual harassment policies against the staff in the health care setting before we could start, you know, getting providers to provide appropriate, compassionate, care to those who experienced violence.

So, you know, things are connected.

Melanie

Shanaaz, let's try and look forward at solutions. What would you say works to prevent violence against children and violence against women at scale?

Shanaaz

That's $1 million question, Melanie.

Alessandra

How about a couple million.

Shanaaz

Million.

Melanie

If you had the answer, all the answers.

Shanaaz

Yeah, yeah, I'm part of what works to Prevent Violence Against Women and Girls program effective are funded in that millions of pounds. And you know drawing on our experience for the past to two and a half years or so, we know that violence against women and children can be prevented, but we've seen that in many studies it's been rigorously evaluated. But the very few programs or interventions that have been taken to scale, and I think that's the challenge that the interventions we have that have proven to work, very much at the relationship or individual level, and not at the societal level. And they enlarge the challenge to scale up a violence against women and violence against children’s programs. So, as I say, the kind of work that we are doing with the, with the What Works program is entitled, you know, part and looking at pathways to scale. So, what will it take to scale up programs? And I think we are pointing to some directions. The scale up can mean you deepen the actual intervention itself.

So, thinking about multiple components and can you give better outcomes if you're thinking about adding to a particular intervention or thinking of scale in terms of reaching larger numbers of people. Right. So, so the various ways we can look at scale, one of the interesting things about scale is, is about the mechanism to deliver that intervention.

Because when you scale up, you've got to be thinking about how you are reaching, either deepening or reaching a wider population. So one example I can talk about is so in the What Works program, the program in Pakistan, Right to play, shown to be quite effective in working with children through school, using coaches to deliver a play based life skill intervention that show to reduce violence, improves, you know, reduce corporal punishment by teachers, but also appeared to have a spillover effect by reducing violence in the home. And we're not quite sure what how that happened. So, with what looks to what we are doing is to think about scaling and using mainstreaming as an approach where instead of using coaches to deliver the program, it's being scaled up through the education system with teachers, delivering the program rather than coaches. So, teachers are being trained and supported to be able to deliver the program. So, the whole idea of delivering a program also means you've got to think about how you support whoever is delivering the program so that you maintain the, the kind of so delivery of the model. So, this is all very new. And the scaling up in one province in Pakistan to, to see whether we able to use a different way of delivery, using a different mechanism of delivery, is able to scale up through a system like education, a program that have proven to work. We don't know whether it's going to be effective or not. It's going to take another three years to get those results. But what I'm saying is we learning all the time, but it's also about partnering with practitioners to learn through that process of implementation. What's working, what can we achieve to through this way of working? Importantly in our experience, also about scale up of programs is that although as a sector, you know, academics and those working within INGO’s and UNICEF, World Bank and others, we understand some of the programs. Some of the programmes that’s proven to work. But women's rights organizations, in organizations, in the field, in communities, very few of them have the knowledge of the programs of programmes that’s actually showing to work. So, I think these are our responsibilities. Firstly, I think we need to expand our evidence base of what is scalable and what are scalable programs. And secondly, we also need to be making available the evidence of what's working more broadly through our networks and making that evidence available in a way that organizations working in communities can understand. Some of those elements that are making it work. So, I think we need to also tease out what are those components of interventions. It's actually making it work big and therefore if you want to adapt to program, it's worked in South Africa to another context.

It's not just as easy as translating it, but there needs to be an adaptation process. So, it's very complex, Melanie, and I'm hoping that in the next five years or so that we have more answers. But at this point, I think we have far more questions than answers.

Patrizia

I just want to know what your thoughts are on scalable… on scalability of programs.

Shanaaz

It's a huge challenge to the field.

Alessandra

Yeah. No, I think you hit on all the right points and as and I do want to say, you know, that there are these multi-agency frameworks for prevention of violence against children -  called INSPIRE -  and there is a similar framework for violence against women, named RESPECT and UNICEF, the World Health Organization, a number of other UN agencies and partners have signed on to these. And the good news is that they're being updated based on new evidence. And an effort is being made to connect those frameworks to ensure that we are looking at or responding to the intersections between these forms of violence. But maybe I can pick up on Shanaaz's point about making evidence more accessible. Because that's a lot of what we are doing at Innocenti in terms of the violence work.

So, I mentioned our paper that we published earlier this year in The Lancet with colleagues from the London School of Hygiene, where we try to look at what are the interventions that have been able to simultaneously achieve reduction on both violence against children and violence against women? And then we took that further to try to tease out how were they able to achieve those reductions. Was it by addressing conflict resolution? Was it by addressing maternal depression? Was it by addressing, economic insecurity? And so, we tried to tease that out. And now what we're doing is we're translating that evidence, you know, not everyone has the time and, inclination to read sort of those scientific papers. So, we've taken that evidence and alongside other evidence that's around, and we've created a series on parenting programs, which is another type of intervention, provision of support to parents and caregivers, that UNICEF invests quite heavily in, not just for the prevention of violence, but for also other outcomes, health outcomes, educational outcomes, early childhood development.

And we are looking at how can those parenting interventions address simultaneously violence against children and violence against women. So, we have a very user-friendly series of evidence briefs where we tease that out. You know, if you have a parenting intervention, this is how to think about, tweaking it, expanding it. As Shanaaz said, you know, it's one way of describing scale is to deepen that intervention.

And important to note that we these briefs were done in collaboration with really great partners, in the field prevention, collaborative and equipment. And now we are doing another series which, addresses the question of, you know, working at the intersections between violence against children and violence against women. Why is it important for children health and well-being? And I think one of the things that we didn't mention early on Shanaaz is that, you know, we have very compelling evidence that even if children don't experience violence directly, but if they are aware that their moms or their stepmoms are experiencing violence, they are likely to have the same negative consequences as if they had experienced minors directly. And so, you know, it's not optional. We need to be looking at violence in the family. And I do want to say, because I know that we're coming close to the end, and this is a really important point, and I should have raised it earlier. You know, we were talking a lot about sort of the life course trajectory that Shanaaz mentioned in early exposure to different adversities, and what does it mean towards, adulthood, and, and I want to emphasize that, you know, it is not the case that every child who's experienced these adversities will grow up to perpetrate or to experience that we're not seeing that this is a set, evolution. Quite the contrary, you know, but what we we're saying is that there is a strong correlation and if we know that there's a strong correlation, there is an imperative for us to act, to break that cycle, even if we know that most people who experience adversities, you know, are going to, grow up to be healthy individuals. But there are some who won't in what can we do, you know, to interrupt that cycle?

Melanie

Alessandra, how does UNICEF child protection strategy respond to violence against children and, violence against women? And can you tell us about UNICEF's gender action plan?

Alessandra

So great question. So, we have a child protection strategy that goes until 2030, and we have a gender action plan that goes into 2025. And it's really interesting because the child protection strategy has proposed a paradigm shift to the organization's approach to child protection. And this paradigm shift is captured in sort of three broad, intersecting areas of priority. One is looking at prevention. So, what can we do before violence ever starts? And so, you know, work around parenting, school-based violence prevention, changing norms. That's one area. Another area is how can we tackle the drivers, of violence against children. And of course, gender inequality being a key one for both violence against children and violence against women.

And the third one is what is our responsibility as an organization whose primary mandate is children? What is our responsibility in terms of responding to the evidence about how violence against children and violence against women intersect in how do we operate at that intersections level? And so, the organization is referring to the terminology violence against girls, boys and women, you know, to capture that approach and to capture that really impetus that we have to look at these forms of violence in a more, coordinated way. And it doesn't mean that UNICEF necessarily has to, you know, shift its programming and do things considerably different. But how do we need to do what we are already doing in a way that takes into account what the evidence says about these intersections? You know, for example, the, the situation that I was mentioning about parenting programs, if we are already investing parenting programs to prevent violence against children, and we know that the evidence suggests that it can also prevent violence against women, how do we tweak these programs?

How do we make them gender transformative? How do we make them challenge these norms that we know to be harmful, so that we are able to expand our impact? The gender action plan is also, you know, we're talking about adolescence, the organization and particularly the gender action plan places great emphasis on addressing the particular vulnerabilities of adolescent girls, understanding the risks that that population is exposed to in the fact that they haven't received sufficient attention to date. So that's another area of connection. And similarly, the gender Action Plan presents gender-based violence as a cross-cutting theme that the whole of UNICEF needs to be looking at not just gender, not just child protection, but also health. Also, education, also early childhood development. And we at UNICEF have been generating the evidence to guide the operationalization of those two mandates that your organization has set, you know, for itself.

Patrizia

Thank you, Alexandra. And one more question for Shanaaz. Can you…. you referred before to masculinities and could you speak about the work to promote positive masculinities? What does the evidence say on those programs?

Shanaaz

There is increasing evidence based on, you know, the need to be investing in programming that focuses on shifting masculinities. My sense is that we need to be focusing on the work much younger, with much younger boys than currently is the target. I would, I would go as far as saying that we actually need to start working with a pre-adolescent boy. It's so critical that, you know, by the time they get to adolescence, your boys have these firmed up notions of what is the kind of cool masculinity, you know, to take on what is cool. And it's shifting and changing the norms of what they need to aspire towards one of the most promising and I want to focus, and I think the, the what we are learning about, particularly programming during adolescence is that it's not just focusing on boys, but actually bringing together both young girls and boys, and it can be in different ways, but it is around gender transformative programming that's making the difference. I would heed against us just thinking about working with men and boys in isolation, but thinking about how you bring men and women together because it's shifting, the social norms and the gender norms, and you've got to bring them together rather than, you know, keeping them separate, separated, and therefore the kind of preadolescence to adolescence to such an important period.

We all see really important programs in countries like India, you know, you've got the GEMS program and others that are showing really good outcomes. In Africa as well a number of programs have shown to be quite effective in reducing these masculine behaviours and actually introducing gendered, shifting gender equality between girls and boys quite early on. And that itself then holds into adulthood.

So, I do think it's important to be investing in programs quite early. And as Alessandra had mentioned, you know, UNICEF's investing quite a bit in, in thinking about parenting and the sector itself have invested over the past, I'd say, decade or so. So, we've got this great evidence base of what's working in terms of parenting programs. But the challenge still is it's not working at the intersection and therefore introducing a gender transformative lens into parenting programs itself.

And we see quite interesting programs on the African continent, particularly addressing young fathers and bringing fathers into the discussion, before they become parents in fact. And, and you seeing outcomes both for children, for, for babies, for the young children, as well as for women in terms of intimate partner violence at the, you know, the idea around shaping masculinities means that we've got to be thinking about consciously really early on, instead of, you know, once those masculinities have been formed, it's really hard to be working with adult men to further shape, if it is possible, but it requires intense work. Then when you're dealing with your pre-adolescent or adolescent group of boys, because you're able to shift that much easier through. And we know that group-based interventions through schools is showing to be able to make a difference and I don't know whether you want to add, particularly in Latin America, the also really good examples.

Alessandra

Yeah. No, I think what I want to add is, you know, that it's really important for us to remember that these are highly political areas of work that we still live in, you know, most parts of the world, if not all, in patriarchal societies, that we're doing this work, whether it's with younger, children or with parents, etc. but still, these individuals are embedded in societies that are highly patriarchal. And, and so I think in, in, I think we are living at a particular moment in time when there's a lot of pushbacks on rights, human rights, children's rights, women's rights, gender. And so, you know, it's sometimes feels like you're doing this work against the grain. And I think, it's important for us to remember that because our work also includes, you know, advocacy at a, at a global level, it includes, advocacy in terms of legislative change. You know, I, I have a presentation that I sometimes share with very recent within the last 4 or 5 years, changes in legislation to decriminalize domestic violence, for example, Russia has done it. Argentina has done something similar. So, it's it sometimes feels like it's kind of two steps forward, one step back, maybe the other way around.

I don't know, but I think it would be naive of us not to keep that in mind. You know, that that these are the contexts within which we are working.

Patrizia

Thank you, Alessandra, and thank you, Shanaaz for this, very interesting conversation. We came to the end of this interview and before closing, I want to I'd like to ask you both one last question. What are the three most urgent things that you would like to recommend for addressing intersections of violence against children and violence against women? Briefly.

Alessandra

Maybe we could do three jointly, Shanaaz. Like one, one and we share this.

Shanaaz

Yeah,

Alessandra

I think my first one is that we need to keep focusing on our shared goals that we need to put aside ego. We need to put aside differences that are small. You know, ultimately, we want the same thing. We want the safety, the well-being, the health of children, of women, of men and of families. You know, and I think sometimes, we may come to these issues with different backgrounds, different training, or slightly different ideas, but we really need to do better at finding our common ground. So that's number one for me. Over to you, Shanaaz.

Shanaaz

I think what I'd like to say is that we know that there are a good set of interventions that already works to prevent violence against women and violence against children. I think we need to have the, we need to be thinking about how we can scale up some of what we know, what works, and but we also need to be working with practitioners to start understanding what these delivery mechanisms are that's making these programs work, in order for these interventions to be sustainable and the effects to be long term.

So, I think there's a lot in there that we need to be thinking about. And working partnerships between organizations working on the ground with governments and, and academics. And I think that's the real thing, is that we need to be leveraging off these partnerships. Rather, as Alessandra says, you know, competing, we should be building partnerships now.

Alessandra

I thought of three other ones, but I would just stick to.

Shanaaz

Say one more.

Alessandra

And so, I don't know. Let's see if I can get this. I articulate this, you know, I think sometimes a lot of the tension points in the challenges that we find ourselves in arise from our own gendered aspect of what mothers should do, what mothers should be, you know, the role of women, the responsibility of women, for example, in protecting their children above everything and everyone, even within themselves, can't, you know, be protected. And so, I think if I could have, you know, colleagues working across the different forms of violence, understand the complexity of the dynamic of a, a situation in which women are experiencing domestic violence or intimate partner violence and the very real risks, including of death. And, and as you've studied a lot this, you know, we know, for example, that the moment that the woman decides to leave an abusive relationship, that's the highest risk for homicide. And at the same time, all we keep thinking about is why doesn't she just leave, you know, why doesn't she protect her children? So, like, having a little bit more empathy, and compassion that in understanding the, you know, the complexity of these relationships, I think would make us more open to, to coming up with, with solutions that ultimately, hopefully will bring the best outcomes for, for everyone.

Shanaaz

Yeah. I might want to add, I think one of the things working in this field is we must not forget the people that actually do the hard work on a daily basis and support for this, you know, offering the services are critical. And if we don't look off to, I always say, if we don't look after the those that work in this field, we're not going to build, you know, the kind of sustainable interventions that we require. So I think, you know, just, you know, acknowledging the hard work that everyone working in this area is doing.

Patrizia

Thank you, Shahnaz, and thank you, Alessandra, for this very, very interesting conversation and for being with us. Thank you very much.

Melanie

Thank you. Thank you Shanaaz. Thank you, Alessandra.

Shanaaz

Thank you, thank you. Thank you so much.

Patrizia

I am really impressed about today's conversation with Alessandra and Shanaaz on

intersections between violence against women and violence against children, I think we heard a lot about the importance of greater focus on prevention to tackle the social and behavioural drivers of violence at the intersections of violence against children and women. And we also heard about the importance of addressing the multiple forms of violence adolescent may experience. And despite the evidence we already have on intersections between violence against children and violence against women, more systematic and compatible data collection on violence against children and women is needed to strengthen our understanding of their co-occurrence and shared risks and protected factors, and to inform services, policies, programs and legislation.

Don't you think so? Melanie?

Melanie

Yes, it was. It was just really interesting to hear from Shanaaz and Alessandra and talking about ways in which they can intervene and set up programs and use programs to educate young boys. And it was interesting that Shanaaz said that actually looking at boys in adolescence was possibly a little later, that we should look earlier. I know having boys who were just coming into adolescence, I can see how their minds are forming, their opinions and so forth, you know, thankfully we have, a girl in the house as well. So, we always talk about how, she will feel or how they must behave towards young women and other women. And it's just, it was it was just wonderful to hear from Alessandra and Shanaaz about the work that's being done and some of the big upcoming events that will hopefully put more of a spotlight on the subject.

Patrizia

Thanks so much for listening to the podcast, and if you aren't already a subscriber, please do subscribe. If you want to write to us, our email address is the [email protected]. Follow us at UNICEF Innocenti on Instagram, LinkedIn and Facebook. Innocenti is spelled as I N N O C E N T I. This episode was produced by UNICEF Innocenti Global Office of Research and Foresight, in collaboration with UMECast and music composed by Hyder Cheema.

I am Patrizia Faustini.

Melanie

And I'm Melanie Grant, and this is Present Imperfect.

Episode 4

Gavin Wood on the rights of children with disabilities

Present Imperfect, episode four: Gavin Wood on the rights of children with disabilities

Gavin Wood

And disability is only one dimension, and many children with disabilities do not define themselves that way or see themselves in terms of a disability. The experiences of children with disabilities are also shaped by other aspects of their identity, such as gender, ethnicity. And this means, for instance, that girls with disabilities may face both gender and disability-based discrimination affecting their access to education and healthcare even more so.

Patrizia Faustini

Welcome again to Present Imperfect, the podcast series dedicated to children's rights by UNICEF Innocenti Global Office of Research and Foresight.

I am Patrizia Faustini, communication specialist at UNICEF Innocenti and I'm joined, as usual, by the writer and journalist Melanie Grant.

Melanie Grant

Hi, Patricia, happy to be here. Can't believe we're actually on our fourth episode and I'm really excited.

Patrizia Faustini

Today we will talk about the rights of children with disabilities with a special guest and an expert who leads research on the inclusion of children with disabilities at UNICEF Innocenti. But before welcoming him, as usual let's introduce the topic. Globally nearly 240 million children live with disabilities, and the vast majority in low- and middle-income countries.

Two international Conventions, namely the Convention on the rights of the child, which our listeners are familiar with, and the Convention on the Rights of Persons with disabilities, the latter adopted in 2006, recognize the human rights and fundamental freedoms of children with disabilities.

Melanie Grant

Attitudes and the environment play a vital role in the inclusion of children with disabilities and both Conventions highlight that need to develop and fund interventions, services and fund data collection to enable them to exercise their rights and participate fully in society.

Patrizia Faustini

And we must also highlight that children with disabilities are one of the most marginalized and excluded groups.

Melanie Grant

The thing is marginalization takes many forms, including segregated and institutional care, stigma, inadequate access to assistive technologies, physical communication or attitudinal barriers and inadequate social support mechanisms. And then there's social challenges such as poverty, conflicts, and the weakness of the socio-political systems that amplify exclusion and discrimination. Inclusive policies are those that take into account the voices, needs and priorities of children with disabilities in designing how to implement resources across all sectors, from health to education to family to schools.

Patrizia Faustini

And now to delve deeper into such a complex topic. We welcome our special guest, Doctor Gavin Wood.

Melanie Grant

Gavin first joined UNICEF in 2010 as part of their Office of Emergency Programs, first working in the aftermath of the devastating earthquake in Haiti and many emergency situations. Since then, he's co-chaired and led several U.N. and inter-agency groups on information management systems, decision support, and coordination in emergencies for seven years, based out in Geneva. Since 2019, Gavin's worked at UNICEF Innocenti initially to develop a humanitarian research strategy and portfolio for children and adolescents in humanity, Syrian and fragile contexts, and over the past few years, his focus has been in directing research on the inclusion of children with disability.

Patrizia Faustini

Welcome, Gavin, and thank you for taking time to be with us today. Before starting our conversation, would you like to say something about you? How did you started your career and how did you end up leading on children with disabilities?

Gavin Wood

Thank you. But it's, Goodness. Well, my career spans 30 years and has taken a rather zigzag path, initiated back in 1989 with a degree in geography and environmental sciences. I was actually drawn to soil science and land use, which led me to explore land use change through satellite image data. And I spent 16 years, in that field of Earth observation and earned a master's degree and the opportunity to teach postgraduate students about satellite data processing, software programming and information systems. And I also completed a PhD. And you will already notice this has nothing to do with what I'm currently doing. And I think it was Søren Kierkegaard who, who said, that life can only be understood backwards, but it must be lived forwards.

And I think this resonates with my own career journey. So, in 2010, I joined UNICEF and after the devastating earthquake in Haiti, I use my technical skills in managing teams, large data sets, analysis techniques and geographic information systems to support relief efforts in water supply, sanitation and hygiene promotion. And since then, I've contributed to many emergency responses around the world.

And in doing so, one lesson I've learned is that it's too easy to get lost in spreadsheets and databases and view large groups of affected populations as homogeneous and forgetting that each person has a unique story with different challenges and needs. And the motto “leave no one behind” reminds us that we must recognize these differences, especially those related to factors like gender, ethnicity, age, and, of course, disabilities,

factors that can lead to marginalization and disadvantage. So, since 2018, I focused on ensuring that children with disabilities are included in humanitarian efforts and, currently, I have the privilege and responsibility of leading UNICEF's work on developing a global research agenda, for children with disabilities from our UNICEF Global Office of Research and Foresight. And this work is vital to making sure every child is considered unsupported, especially those who are often overlooked.

Patrizia Faustini

Thank you, Gavin, for this introduction. Very interesting career. And, in the in our introduction, Melanie and myself spoke about the UN Convention on the rights of the child. Could you provide an overview and how the Convention addresses the specific needs and rights of children with disabilities?

Gavin Wood

So, the UN Convention on the rights of the child, or CRC for short, was adopted in 1989 and is a pivotal human rights treaty that outlines the rights of children globally. It was developed to address the specific vulnerabilities of children and to ensure that they have access to fundamental human rights protections and freedoms. The CRC was created in response to the recognition that children as a group require special protection due to their developmental needs, and the fact that they are often more vulnerable to exploitation, abuse, and neglect compared with adults.

And the CRC emphasizes the principles of non-discrimination, the best interests of the child, the right to life and development, and the right to be heard. And these principles apply to all children. We must not forget that children with disabilities are first and foremost children, and so the CRC applies to all children equally, though it can be argued that the CRC is especially important for children with disabilities since they face additional challenges due to discrimination and barriers accessing services.

And here, it's important to note that 1 in 10 children have disabilities. So, if we overlook these children, we would be disadvantaging around 240 million children with disabilities worldwide. If we move from the more general to the more specific, article 23 of the CRC directly addresses children with disabilities, and it emphasizes that children with disabilities should enjoy a full and decent life and in conditions that promote dignity, self-reliance, and active participation in society.

It calls on states to provide special care, education and services tailored to the needs of children with disabilities, ensuring their inclusion and development. Other provisions in the CRC are also critical for children with disabilities. For instance, article 28 guarantees the rights to education, which is fundamental to their inclusion. The CRC's holistic approach lays the foundation for advocating for the rights of children with disabilities worldwide, though challenges remain in implementing these rights fully, especially in low resource settings where UNICEF works very hard for all children.

Patrizia Faustini

Thank you, Gavin. That's very important. And there is another Convention that we also mentioned in our introduction, the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities. Why this Convention is important also for children, and why we do not have a Convention on the rights of children with disabilities?

Gavin Wood

So that's a great question. The Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities, the CRPD was adopted in 2006. It is crucial for children with disabilities because it provides specific protections that build on the framework of the Conventions of the rights of the child. It focuses on ensuring that persons with disabilities, including children, can fully participate in all aspects of life on an equal basis with others.

And it addresses key issues such as accessibility, inclusive education, the right to participate in society. There isn't a separate convention for children with disabilities, because both the CRC and CRPD together provide a comprehensive framework for their protection. The CRC addresses the rights of all children, while the CRPD provides more detailed guidance on how to ensure that children with disabilities can enjoy their rights without discrimination. And together, these treaties can ensure adequate protection for children with disabilities. But that said, the CRPD has limitations in fully addressing the evolving capacities of children with disabilities. The CRPD generalized approach does not sufficiently recognize that children are not static, that needs, and their abilities change as they grow. And this evolving capacity requires tailored responses that adapt to their developmental stages, which the CRPD does not fully incorporate.

While the CRPD includes article 7, which addresses children with disabilities, it does not adequately focus on how to implement rights in a way that evolves with the child's growing autonomy and their decision-making abilities. For instance, as children mature, they should increasingly participate in decisions about their education and health care and other matters. Yet, the CRPD lacks specific guidance on how to support this transition. And so, to address these challenges, there is a need for more coordination between the CRPD and CRC and for the development of child friendly services, accessible communication and, bringing it closer to home, more robust research and monitoring mechanisms that reflect children's evolving needs.

Melanie Grant

Hi, Gavin. Thank you very much for joining. It's Melanie here. So, what you've just mentioned some of the challenges with the CRPD. What are some of the major challenges that children with disabilities face in achieving their rights under the Convention of the rights of the children?

Gavin Wood

So hi, Melanie. Thank you. That's a great question. Well, first we must remember that children with disabilities are resilient, creative, and full of potential. Many are vulnerable, but many are not. With the right support and inclusive opportunities, they do excel academically and participate fully in their communities. And inclusive education improves outcomes for all students and fosters empathy.

Advances in assistive technology and inclusive practices are breaking down barriers, and by focusing on abilities rather than limitations, we can create a society where every child thrives and contributes. Nonetheless and unfortunately, children with disabilities are more likely to face discrimination and experience abuse. UNICEF data shows that children with disabilities are 51% more likely never to attend school and are disproportionately impacted by humanitarian crises and climate change compared to their non-disabled peers.

An example in the Gaza Strip today, amongst the hundreds of thousands of children affected. Children with disabilities are one of the most affected, according to one of our partner organizations on the ground, children with disabilities bear the brunt of the situation where evacuation and response plans did not take their needs into consideration. Many who use wheelchairs are stuck in tents put up on sandy grounds, and these kinds of challenges highlight the urgency of addressing the needs of children with disabilities worldwide.

Social stigma and discrimination continue to exclude them from education, healthcare and community life, a problem particularly acute in low-income settings. Families of children with disabilities also bear a heavy financial burden, further limiting their access to necessary services, and even where legal protections exist, enforcement is often inconsistent, leaving these children vulnerable. But despite these challenges, progress is being made.

Advocacy efforts and international cooperation are driving positive changes improving access to education, healthcare, and social inclusion for children with disabilities across the globe.

Melanie Grant

Gavin, earlier you mentioned that children with disabilities are not a homogenous group. Can you expand a bit on that for us?

Gavin Wood

Yes. Children with disabilities are an incredible, diverse group, and their experiences vary widely. Based on many intersecting factors such as the type of disability, gender, ethnicity, socioeconomic status, and geographic location. And this diversity necessitates tailored approaches to meet their specific needs. In the humanitarian space. We've made good progress in moving the disability inclusion agenda forward.

First, we needed to put it on the table and ensure that data about affected populations included a disability dimension. But to be more effective, we move now to recognizing differences in types and severity of disability. But our main obstacle in, doing this is not through intent. It's money. We need more resources and capacity to collect operational data to understand this diversity and serve the needs of everyone.

Some examples. Disabilities can be physical, sensory, intellectual, or psychosocial, and each requiring different forms of support. So, for example, children with mobility impairments may need assistive devices, while those with intellectual disabilities may benefit from specialized learning programs and other forms of assistive technology. And disability is only one dimension, and many children with disabilities do not define themselves that way or see themselves in terms of a disability. The experiences of children with disabilities are also shaped by other aspects of their identity, such as gender ethnicity and this means, for instance, that girls with disabilities may face both gender and disability-based discrimination affecting their access to education and healthcare even more so, an intent technical language we refer this to as intersectionality. There are socio economic factors to children with disabilities from low-income families or rural areas often face additional barriers to accessing services, as resources are typically concentrated in urban centers and may be cost prohibitive for disadvantaged families. So, recognizing this, diversity is essential for developing effective policies and programs that address the unique needs of different subgroups within the population of children with disabilities.

Patrizia Faustini

Thank you, Gavin. And now, just to mention something positive, can you discuss some successful strategies or programs implemented to promote the inclusion of children with disabilities?

Gavin Wood

This is a good point and very central to the work that we are doing at Innocenti, which is to understand what works to promote inclusion. I mentioned earlier about the various conventions that don't necessarily present how things should be done to be effective. So, promoting the inclusion of children with disabilities requires innovation and effective strategies. At Innocenti we focus on understanding what works. Inclusion Matters report highlighted critical gaps. For example, we lack sufficient evidence on effective strategies to improve inclusion for children. This underscores the need for further research and investment. Despite these gaps, several programs have demonstrated success in advancing inclusion for children with disabilities. One of those is inclusive education programs.

So inclusive education integrates children with disabilities into mainstream schools supported by specialized resources, assistive technologies, and trained educators. Research shows that inclusive education enhances academic outcomes and fosters social integration. However, many schools, and many school systems struggle with under-resourced classrooms and a lack of trained teachers, indicating that significant investments are still needed. Community based rehabilitation is another example.

CBA is an important tool in areas with limited formal services, focusing on community involvement and holistic care. Whilst aligns with modern disability rights principles, CBA faces criticism and challenges such as inconsistent quality and overburdened communities. Successful CBR requires robust training, support, and oversight to maintain high standards and effectiveness. Organizations like UNICEF lead global advocacy efforts that challenge negative stereotypes and promotes the inclusion of children with disabilities in all areas of life.

And these campaigns are essential in shifting public perceptions and driving policy changes. And the other big area this is important for UNICEF is in assistive technologies. So, access to assistive technologies such as communication devices and mobility aids empowers children with disabilities to participate more fully in education and social activities and in play. Universal design for learning and accessible digital textbooks plays crucial roles in making educational materials more accessible and inclusive for diverse learners.

All these strategies illustrate that with the right support, children with disabilities can thrive, contributing to their communities and breaking down the barriers to inclusion.

Melanie Grant

Gavin, I imagine it must be quite hard to kind of get feedback from children, you know, how can we oh, children with disabilities, I should say, how can we ensure that children with disabilities are given a voice on matters that affect them?

Gavin Wood

So, ensuring that children with disabilities have a voice in decisions that affect their lives is crucial to upholding their rights and fostering their participation in society. And in fact, perhaps I should not be here speaking for them. There are many influential children and youth with disabilities who can speak for themselves and more powerfully than me. But things that we can do include having inclusive participation mechanisms. So, governments and organizations can create platforms such as child parliaments, advisory councils that include children with disabilities. These forms should be accessible and designed to accommodate the needs of all children, ensuring meaningful participation. Accessible communication is also important. Providing information in accessible formats such as sign language or easy to read materials, Braille and using web compliant accessibility standards are essential for enabling children with disabilities to express their views, and communication tools such as augmented and alternative communication and AC devices can be made available to children with speech or communication difficulties. Child led advocacy is another important area supporting this, where children with disabilities advocate their own rights, can be effective in amplifying their voices, and youth groups for children with disabilities provide a space for them to express their concerns and contribute to public concerns. And through this mechanism, we include and listen to all children, and we have many opportunities in our research and advocacy to engage children and also provide them with these platforms. And the last point is, of course, empowering families and caregivers who play a pivotal role in advocating for the rights of children with disabilities.

Melanie Grant

I was going to ask, Gavin, is it is it a case of bringing children with disabilities into or a kind of immersing them into groups, wider groups with all children, rather than having specific groups for children with disabilities?

Gavin Wood

Sure, I think it's important that different groups do have their own space to communicate and feel free to discuss issues. But yes, I think inclusive spaces are important and I wouldn't necessarily see it as bringing children with disabilities into mainstream spaces but thinking more holistically about bringing everybody together in the same space. So, everyone's moving into that space rather than, again, feeling that perhaps there is an enabler’s view and all of a sudden we're going to, oh, we must bring in children with disabilities, and … but this is happening and, I've mentioned that UNICEF and other organizations are already giving a platform to children with disabilities and organizations like the International Disability Alliance and others provide these platforms where we can listen in and be invited by them to join their spaces, which is which is very exciting.

Melanie Grant

What kind of role do families and communities play in supporting the rights of children with disabilities?

Gavin Wood

They're central to supporting the rights and well-being of children with disabilities. So, there are a number of areas of advocacy and one… families often serve as the primary advocates for children with or without the disabilities, ensuring that their rights are respected in education, healthcare and social services. And they work closely with schools, healthcare providers and local authorities to secure necessary accommodations and support care and support families, provide essential care and emotional support, helping children with disabilities navigate daily life. This includes assisting with mobility and communication and a range of daily living activities, as well as offering psychological support to build confidence and resilience. And in cases of severe disabilities, the child may rely completely on the parent or caregiver for everything. Access to services is important, and families and communities often connect children with disabilities to those essential services.

Community based organizations and advocacy groups provide resources and information that help families navigate very complex systems. Communities also play a key role in fostering an inclusive environment, creating accessible public spaces, offering inclusive community programs, and promoting a culture of acceptance, and they're all essential for the social inclusion of children with disabilities. So, and this is super important, if we are to tackle stigma, which is one of the most significant barriers to inclusion.

Patrizia Faustini

And, what about international cooperation? How can it enhance the implementation of the rights of children with disability?

Gavin Wood

So international cooperation also plays a critical role. So, by fostering global collaboration, sharing best practices and providing much needed resources, and that kind of cooperation can take several forms. So, knowledge sharing is one. Countries can exchange successful models of inclusive education, health care and social integration for children with disabilities. So, for example, sharing expertise from nations that have developed robust inclusive education systems can help others implement similar strategies; improving access to quality education for all children; financial and technical support, so international organizations like our own UNICEF and the World Bank and others provide financial aid and technical assistance to low- and middle-income countries. This support helps build infrastructure, train educators, and develop policies that benefit children with disabilities. These resources are vital for ensuring that children in under-resourced areas have access to the services they need.

When it comes to global advocacy, international cooperation strengthens advocacy efforts, raising awareness of the rights of children on a global stage and coordination efforts can influence international policy, ensure that disability rights are integrated into global development agendas such as the Sustainable Development Goals. I've mentioned research and data collection. This is where our Global Office of Research and Foresight is ramping up collaborative research initiatives to help identify global challenges and solutions. I'm working with my colleague Alessandra Ipince and with great support from International Disability Alliance, the International Center of Evidence and Disability at the London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine, the Stellenbosch Disability Research Hub, the center for Disability Rights in Belfast, Perkins International and many, many others to identify where international collaborative research is needed. In summary, international cooperation enhances the implementation of rights of children with disabilities by promoting the knowledge sharing, providing critical resources, driving global advocacy and importantly to my work supporting research and coordinating humanitarian efforts, through these collaborations we can build a more inclusive world where every child with disability has the opportunity to thrive.

Patrizia Faustini

And as you mentioned, research, Gavin, what is the role it has in implementing the rights of children with disabilities.

Gavin Wood

International human rights treaties do not provide know-how on how to improve inclusion in the most effective and impactful ways. And I've touched on this earlier. It does not provide guidance on what works, in other words. So, this is where research plays a fundamental role in answering what works; research can provide evidence-based insights that inform policy, guide program development, and shape public discourse and advocacy.

I think the role of research includes several critical areas. So, one is informing policy and practice, evaluating effectiveness, raising awareness and advocacy, identifying gaps and innovations, and providing global comparisons and benchmarks. Now, some of the podcast listeners might now be wondering, but what specific research is needed? And I mentioned earlier, I work at Innocenti in developing a global research agenda for children with disabilities and doing so, we sought feedback from over 400 experts and practitioners from around the world to identify where research is most needed.

And so, these include early identification and intervention for children with disabilities looking at cost effective, scalable inclusion education models for low resource settings that promote enrolment, retention and learning and development. Another is preventing and protecting children with disabilities from all forms of violence and abuse. Looking at social protection interventions to support families with disabilities, with disability related expenses to access appropriate and affordable assistive devices and care. These are just some of the areas that have been identified as priority that, if resourced, will make an impact on the real lives of children with disabilities. So, research is vital, I think, for advancing the rights of children. It informs policy, monitors progress, drives innovation, raises awareness, and contributes to a more inclusive society again, where all children can thrive, play together, learn together, and grow up, to be adults together.

Melanie Grant

So, Gavin, what measures can be taken at the policy level to improve the social inclusion of children with disabilities?

Gavin Wood

Improving, social inclusion of children with disabilities requires comprehensive policy measures, that will address barriers they face in accessing three, perhaps more but three key areas: education, healthcare, and social participation. Education is a fundamental right, and inclusive education systems are key to social inclusion. Policies should ensure that children with disabilities have appropriate access to mainstream schools, where they can learn alongside their peers, that we recognize that children with disabilities require tailored approaches to learning.

All children require tailored approaches to learning, anti-discrimination, and legislation. Such laws are critical to protecting children with disabilities from exclusion. These laws should cover all areas, including education, health care, employment, access to public services. Enforcement mechanisms should be in place to ensure that children with disabilities and their families have legal recourse if their rights are violated.

Another aspect in policy is ensuring an accessible infrastructure, and accessible spaces and services, ensuring physical and communication accessibility is essential and at the heart of including children with disabilities, with disabilities, and to allow them to participate in society. So, policies should be prioritized in the development of accessible public spaces, transportation, and communication systems. Programs, that focus on retrofitting schools and public buildings to meet accessible standards have proven effective in some countries, so it's never too late, to make things more accessible. Social protection programs can help alleviate the financial burden, which we mentioned earlier. The cost of disability and caring for children with disabilities is high. So, policy should ensure that families have access to disability allowances, healthcare subsidies and other forms of financial support. And these programs are particularly important in low-income countries where the cost of care can be prohibitive for many families. Our own research shows that cash assistance in humanitarian settings has proven very effective, and participation in decision making.

So, the actual policy making, the policy creation, children with disabilities should be actively involved in decisions that affect their lives, you know, nothing about us, without us is the call of the disability community, and policies should create opportunities for them to participate in these processes, whether through consultation mechanisms that we've done in our own research development in schools, youth councils or advisory bodies at a national level. So I think to summarize, you know, , improving social inclusion of children with disabilities requires a multifaceted approach that includes inclusive education, strong anti-discrimination laws, accessible infrastructure and, social protection programs.

Patrizia Faustini

Thank you. Gavin. We just came almost to the end of our conversation. To finish off, we'd like to ask you one last question if you don't mind. What are the three most urgent things you want to have for children with disabilities worldwide?

Gavin Wood

So well, I think without a doubt, more inclusive education. So, this has been mentioned now a couple of times, throughout this podcast. So, ensuring access to inclusive education is one of the most urgent needs for children with disabilities globally. Inclusive education would mean children with disabilities can learn alongside their peers in mainstream schools with appropriate support and accommodations.

This also fosters social inclusion and helps break down these barriers and stigma, which brings us to the second point. So, reducing discrimination and stigma against children with disabilities is another urgent priority. Negative societal attitudes often lead to exclusion from education, health care and social activities, so public awareness campaigns, anti-discrimination laws and communication education initiatives are essential for changing these attitudes, including elimination of violence and abuse.

And I think the third one, I would say would be more access to health care and support services. Access to healthcare is critical for the well-being of children with disabilities. This includes early screening and intervention, medical care, rehabilitation services, assistive devices, and mental health support. So expanding access to affordable, high-quality healthcare is essential for ensuring that children with disabilities can lead healthy, fulfilling lives.

Patrizia Faustini

Thank you very much, Gavin for this interesting conversation.

Melanie Grant

And thank you very much for joining us. Gavin. It's interesting to hear about your work.

Patrizia Faustini

This was a great conversation with Gavin Wood on the rights of children with disabilities. As we have learned, children with disabilities are resilient, creative and full of potential. And by focusing on abilities rather than limitations, we can create a society where every child thrives and contributes, and their inclusion is a matter of social justice and an essential investment in the future of society, not simply charity or goodwill.

It is an integral element of the expression of realization of universal human rights. The Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities and the Convention on the Rights of the Child, that we have mentioned several times in our conversation, lay the foundation for each country and community to undertake a fundamental review of the situation of children with disabilities and to take specific steps to promote their inclusion in society.

Despite progress made over the last decade, though, children with disabilities and their family constantly experience barriers to the enjoyment of their basic human rights and to their inclusion in society: their abilities are overlooked, their capacities underestimated, and their needs are given low priority. Yet the barriers they face come more from the environment in which they live then from their impairment.

Patrizia Faustini

Don't you think so, Melanie?

Melanie Grant

Yeah, it was it was just very interesting to hear Gavin talk about the work and the research that he is been doing. And, and children with disabilities deserve a space to be heard and not be... and fully included rather than, like, you say, goodwill or charity. And it was just interesting to hear 1 in 10 children have disabilities.

And that is a very, very big figure that Gavin and his work and the research work they're doing, helps, you know, and to quote Gavin, nothing about us without us, it just encapsulates exactly what his work and what needs to be done.

Patrizia Faustini

Thanks so much for listening to this podcast. If you aren't already a subscriber, please do subscribe. If you want to write to us, our email address is [email protected]. Follow us @UnicefInnocenti on Instagram, LinkedIn, and Facebook. Innocenti is spelled as I N N O C E N T I. This episode was produced by UNICEF Innocenti Global Office of Research and Foresight in collaboration with UMECast and the music composed by Hyder Cheema.

I'm Patrizia Faustini.

Melanie Grant

And I'm Melanie Grant, and this is Present Imperfect.

Episode 3

Camila Teixeira on the right to peaceful protests

Present Imperfect, episode three: Camila Teixeira on the right to peaceful protests

Camila Teixeira

We must recognize that children, but also young people, are legitimate political actors who must be supported in expressing their views and organizing in nonviolent assemblies, including, and this again this is really critical, when they express political views, which we may not agree with.

Patrizia Faustini

Hello again. Welcome to Present Imperfect, the podcast series dedicated to children's rights by the UNICEF Innocenti Global Office of Research and Foresight.

I am Patrizia Faustini, Communication specialist at UNICEF Innocenti, and I'm joined by writer and journalist Melanie Grant.

Melanie Grant

Hi, Patrizia, I'm very excited about this one and ready for a new episode of Present Imperfect series.

Patrizia Faustini

I'm excited to for this third episode, and today we will talk about children's civil and political rights with a special guest and expert in social movements and children's rights. But as usual, before welcoming her, let's talk a bit about the topic with a focus on the right to peaceful assembly. Civil and political rights remain a relatively unexplored area of the child rights framework, and also a contentious issue in some places.

And unfortunately, some perceive the rights of children to participate in political life as too sensitive or even dangerous. Yet, children and young people engage in politics and care deeply about the issues that matter to them, from democracy to social justice, from improved livelihoods to environmental causes. As many of our listeners will remember, access to justice was addressed by Professor Cecile Aptel in the second episode of our series dedicated to children and the law.

Melanie Grant

But when it comes to participating in civil and political life, children and young people prefer to do it informally, like joining online campaigning, boycotts, petitions or through protests with friendship groups. Youth increasingly prefer political participation through public and everyday acts. Now, UNICEF's recent research has shown that protests have risen in the past 30 years, and more and more young people and students have been at the forefront of those movements. Now, this growing involvement of young people in protests is changing what it means to be politically active.

Patrizia Faustini

And we should also remind our listeners that protesting peacefully is a human rights under article 21 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the article 15 of the UN Convention on the rights of the child establishes the right to freedom of peaceful assembly for all children, and it is interconnected with the right to be heard, which is article 12, and the right to freedom of expression and association, which is article 13 in the same Convention.

Melanie Grant

And Patricia, it should be said that children shouldn't be forced to participate, though they have the right to choose whether to take part in the protest and should be protected from any manipulation or co-optation. Youth protest can play a particular and important role in making a change and building a better future.

Patrizia Faustini

And now, to dive deeper into such a complex topic, we have a special guest, as we said: Camila Teixeira is social movements and child rights expert with more than 20 years of experience with the United Nations development agencies and other international organizations.

Melanie Grant

Camila is a specialist in analysis, research and strategic planning related to development, human rights and child rights. She's worked with high-ranking officials including UN Secretary General Kofi Annan and heads of UN agencies, and she's currently policy specialist at UNICEF. Innocenti Global Office of Research and Foresight.

Patrizia Faustini

Hi, Camila.

Camila Teixeira

Hi Patrizia.

Patrizia Faustini

Welcome and thanks for taking time to be with us today. We'll talk a lot about children's civil and political rights, and we'll get to it in just a moment. But before we do that, we'd love to learn something about you. Can I ask you, where did you grow? And how was your experience in adolescence about protest and taking part in demonstrations?

Camila Teixeira

Sure. I grew up in Brazil and in a city that not many people outside of my country know of. It's called Goiania. It's the tenth biggest city in the country, and it's a nice place to live. I had a nice childhood there, as I guess most middle-class families do in my country, in my in my hometown. And I come from a large family. So, I remember being surrounded by my, you know, family members and having a happy childhood with my cousins, playing with my cousins and going to good schools. My parents were never really very much involved in politics, and I grew up with this common scene in Brazil, which went more or less like this: politics, religion and football and not topics to be discussed. And I guess this is based on an idea that Brazilians are supposed to be friendly and not have arguments and avoid conflict. And I learned later in life that's actually a national identity myth and a popular misconception and some sort of pacification strategy as well, maybe to avoid having critical thinking on the part of citizens. And especially since we started facing significant threats to our democracy a few years ago, Brazilians have been arguing a lot about politics, myself included.

Brazil is one of the few countries in the world that allows voting for adolescents from the age of 16. But I think at that age I thought my vote didn't matter much. So, I remember voting after it became mandatory at the age of 18. I joined my first protest after 18, also, when I was already at university. So, my first protest was at the university. I think the idea according to which people don't get involved in politics until it impacts them directly or until they see the urgency of it was true, in my case. So, some people would say that a white person in Brazil, like me, from a middle-class family with a good life, didn't really need to, you know, participate or be engaged in politics. And that may have been true, but up to a point, I think. So, when you see your professors, people you admire, fighting for better working conditions and to be able to deliver quality public education, then it becomes harder to look away and to think, well, those people are troublemakers, they're just there to cause disruption, and they have nothing better to do with their time. So, I remember joining my first protest, you know, as supportive to the cause of my professors. And I think these experiences are very important and formative. And they confirm something that a Brazilian indigenous philosopher, he's called Ailton Krenak, said: we need more collective experiences, we need more collective and shared lives. I think this liberal idea that we're all a little island and powerful individuals is deeply flawed. I think we need more community experiences. We need to be more active as collective and so, you know, collaborative subjects. And we also need to exercise our individual rights in that way as well, collectively. I believe addressing the many challenges that are facing the world today depends on this kind of mindset and attitude.

Patrizia Faustini

Thank you, Camila, for sharing this experience with us. So now let's look at the situation in civil and political rights of children, but particularly on the right to peaceful assembly. UNICEF Innocenti has recently published a report titled Youth Protest and the crisis that you authored. And this report shows that over the past two decades, we have seen an increased number of young people and students at the forefront of demonstrations and protests. So, my question is: why is this happening and why is this happening now?

Camila Teixeira

Right. Yes. Our report shows that according to different metrics, the number of protests has increased in the past 20-30 years and the proportion of people willing to take part in demonstrations, according to opinion polls, has also increased. Our report compiles the findings of several of these sources, and many of them show that students and young people have been at the forefront of these movements.

So I should mention maybe to begin with, that our report doesn't focus on children, on the rights of children to peaceful assembly because the current research lacks comprehensive data on their participation. So, today, you hear me talk more about young people rather than children specifically.

Patrizia Faustini

And just to clarify, by children we mean individuals up to 18, which is the group UNICEF is mandated to protect. There are different definitions of what youth and young people mean and United Nations defines youth as persons aged 15 to 24, and UNICEF considers young people those aged 10 to 24.

Camila Teixeira

And in addition to that, to make things a bit more complicated, the different sources that we cite in our report also use different age brackets to define youth or young people, or students. The data on the report and data on protest usually doesn't have disaggregation by age. So, our report examines this group, this population groups like young or young people, or youths or students and the researchers use different age bracket. There's more research, including qualitative research, on these groups. So, this allowed me to compile the global information that we use in our report. But this also means we need more research in the future about children's roles.

As you mentioned earlier, there are many reasons that lead people to protest and many of these reasons are not new. People take to the street to express dissatisfaction about a range of grievances. So, if taxes or fees are increased, or if the political system fails them, or if employment is low or climate action is not bold enough. So, all of these reasons take people to start a demonstration. Young people have always been involved in these movements, and in fact, students have a long history of activism and have been at the center of various really important social events, social movements and campaigns. So, for generations they have fought against wars. So, you can think about the anti-Vietnam War protests, but also against racism. You remember Black Lives Matter protests, or for regime change, as in the Arab Spring. So, in many countries, they have literally changed the course of events. But what's different about this latest surge of protest is that it's happening and it's converging, you know, in the context of a moment of a crisis, which is what we call this combination of multiple crises affecting the world, including the climate crisis, the cost of living crisis, conflict and this backlash against democracy. And there have been protests, more protests in general, according to different metrics, but there are also more young people participating in them. And one source, for example, an analysis by the US Institute of Peace, shows that in more than 80% of mass protests in the past 30 years, youth represented at least 25% of participants. And since 2005, the number of mass protests where young people represented 50% of participants has also increased.

I should mention maybe also there's a distinction when I talk about mass protest or protest, and mass protest is the topic of the study I just referred to. But protests when they're counted as events, or when I mentioned the word protest, it means a mobilization happening on a specific location on a certain date. Mass protest actually consists of a series of protests over time with at least a thousand people, and they normally have more ambitious goals and the goal of regime change, or a very significant political change like secession, for example. So, just to give you that context when I use these terms as well, and the research also differentiates them. But going back to my original point, so young people are protesting due to many grievances and some of them may have to do with the polycrisis, so higher food prices or political instability, but there're also underlying factors.

And I thought I should just mention three of them, which are also explained further in the report. And the first is that young people have been increasingly frustrated with the performance of political institutions, including in established democracy. So, that could be one of the reasons why they're protesting more. The second reason is young people face many barriers to access formal mechanisms of political participation and to be part of a political party, for example, or to vote. So, as a result of that, young people tend to prefer informal means of political participation and more direct action with more tangible results. So, they wish to have change, but they wish change to happen quickly as well. So protesting is an outlet for that. And the third issue is, the use of information technology and social media, because this has made the organization of protests happen easier and faster and cheaper.

And of course, we know young people are keen users of this technology, and they have used it to bolster demonstrations in many ways. This facilitates the preparation of protests in general. So yes, the polycrisis, this lack of opportunity to express political opinions in other ways, and these other enabling factors like technology have all contributed to this latest wave of protest with a significant contribution of young people.

Melanie Grant

Camila, it's Melanie here. Thank you so much for joining us. I wanted to ask what is the role that young people are playing in this latest wave of protests that you mentioned, you know, and how have they influenced the tactics and the motivation behind the protest and ultimately the impact of them?

Camila Teixeira

The role of young people has been decisive in these protests and mass protest. So, I think I may… I may make mention, three, three points again, you hear me talk about threes a lot. The first is that they have brought innovation and creativity into the tactics used by protesters, and this connects to the point I mentioned about technology and the use of social media, which lowers the cost of holding protests and making them more agile and adaptive as well in face of repression and different constraints. But young people also use technology to make protest more inclusive, to bring in more people. So, for instance, in Thailand in 2020, protesters used social media to make the protest more consultative, to inform members about the whereabouts of the police. But they're also used to make, organize large protest very quickly at very short notice. And this is really impactful for movement. But beyond that, they have also used different tactics in creativity, including art and music. So, for example, in sub-Saharan Africa, in countries like Senegal or Burkina Faso, there are many examples of protests that are led or with the participation of young musicians using different rhythms, right, to mobilize crowds. And of course, this, all of this helps increase the popularity of protest movements. So, I'd say this is the first key contribution. The second is, although we don't have a lot of data to reach conclusions about the main issues that are driving youth protest, whether it's about social justice issues or livelihood opportunities or education or politics, we know that they have been better organized and have been mobilizing more for global issues like climate change or racism. So, holding these protests across borders is also happening in a faster pace than before. And this connects to the use of the technology again, you know, because it's easier to organize these protests, but it's also helping the creation of these international protest movements, as we hadn't been able to see before, some of them existed, but not at this scale. And the third issue is that this participation of young people in protest has also contributed to more peaceful and more inclusive mobilization, right. So, the issue of peaceful protest and peaceful mobilization is extremely important. And I think we can speak more about this later on. But let me focus on the inclusiveness part, right now. So, one interesting finding from the research is that youth participation results in protests gathering more diverse groups. So, a qualitative analysis, also by the US Institute of Peace, found that in six countries across continents youth led peaceful protests were able to overcome polarization and bring different groups together across race, ethnicity, you know, sexual orientation and so on. And we have seen this in Kenya in the past few weeks, where massive protests were initiated with significant participation of young people. One of their contributions there has been this gathering of diverse groups to join these demonstrations across a range of ethnic groups and across regions in Kenya as well. So, in a nutshell, this contribution of young people, you know, is really decisive, because inclusivity, creativity, innovation, collaboration, alliances can all help make protests more impactful. And this also contributes to protests and mass protests being more successful.

Melanie Grant

The report I see mentions that the increase in protests have almost conflicted people and it seems for some people, it feels like the activism and protest of young people signifies a message of hope, while others it seems to raise concerns. So as young people take to the streets, some people see promise and then share that idealism, whereas others see protesting as futile and a source of disruption, and perhaps even as a threat. How do you reconcile between these views?

Camila Teixeira

Now, this is a really important question, and I'm glad you're asking this. First and foremost, we must recognize that protesting peacefully is a human right. So, as you mentioned in the introduction, children also hold the right to peaceful protest and it's an obligation of governments and government authorities to respect, protect and fulfil this right. States also have a responsibility, they need to uphold this right, keeping in mind a child's evolving capacities, right, and children have the same right as an adult to protest peacefully, but in view of their maturity, there may be other considerations that parents need to have. So, we must recognize that children, but also young people are legitimate political actors who must be supported in expressing their views and organizing nonviolent assemblies, including, again, this is really critical, when they express political views, which we may not agree with. Children and young people also face many barriers to participating in politics. As I mentioned earlier, most children are not allowed to vote. There aren't many politicians representing their interests or catering to them as a constituency also because they don't vote, they can't as easily influence legislation, policy making or budget decisions. Children often lack the means or resources to be fully engaged citizens, so they may not even have the money to go to a polling booth for example, when, you know, in the few countries where they are allowed to vote under 18. Besides, children and young people also don't normally get pulled in opinion polls about political matters. So, we have very little information about what they think on the important political issues facing our society. And so, we should see peaceful protest as a mechanism to understand what this group thinks about political and civic matters and what they wish to transform in our societies and in their lives. At the same time, as you mentioned in your question, it's a fact that protests, particularly mass protest, can lead to instability and unrest. So of course, this raises concerns, particularly when it comes to protecting children and young people from violence, but and they themselves may be perpetrators of this violence in some cases. But the majority of protests, of all protest is peaceful, as is confirmed by many sources, by using different methodologies.

So, this is also the case with the protests that are led by or have the participation of young people. For example, research in Latin America, led by Professor Pavlic at the University of Santiago in Chile, showed that 4000 protests, led by college students in Latin America from 2000 to 2012, only 11% of them used violent tactics, so almost 90% of 4000 protest in Latin America over a period of 12 years organized by college were peaceful and, what's more worrying I think, in the study and the study on mass protest is that governments are more likely to repress protests pre-emptively and violently when they involve young people, even when they're, you know, protesting peacefully.

So, the authors of this particular study, led by Professor Chenoweth at the University of Harvard, propose that governments are more likely to perceive youth participation as indicative of unrest. So, the research seems to be showing you there is a misperception, right. So, authorities seem to be leading violent repression when it comes to young people taking to the streets, even when they are peaceful.

And we've seen this in many situations. In Iran, for example, since 2022, mostly peaceful protests led by young women and girls have faced violent repression. And in addition, in protecting the right to peaceful assembly, governments also have an obligation to avoid violence, to de-escalate situations that could turn violent. But this, again, unfortunately, is not the case, and we've seen this in several recent events, university protest happening across the world, where we've seen the repression be more violent. If protests do turn violent, law enforcement must ensure that they differentiate between individuals engaged in violence and those that are protesting peacefully. And these measures are even more important when they involve, when protests involve children. Also, the media has a really important responsibility here because small groups of individuals engaging in violence may not represent the intent of the protest organizers. So, the media must give an accurate account of how and when protests turn violent and who are the actors responsible for this violence. So, in a sense, the duality that you mentioned in your question about the hope and the risks of protests may actually be playing out as a result of this misconception, right, about the role of children and young people in political life. Civil society organizations organizing protests, but also government authorities need to recognize these risks and opportunities that are created by protests, when they involve children and young people and they, in the case of government, they have the obligation to address these risks when they emerge, including by preventing and de-escalating violence. But I guess, you know, repeating my earlier point, ultimately, it's about acknowledging that children and young people are legitimate political actors and subject of rights.

Melanie Grant

Yeah, they're the future voters, aren't they?

Camila Teixeira

But in addition to being future voters or a future citizen, they themselves today have the right, right. They have the, they should have the opportunity to participate and impact, on matters that affect their lives directly. So.

Patrizia Faustini

Absolutely.

Camila Teixeira

The future is also very much the present.

Patrizia Faustini

Exactly. Those they're currently… they are citizens and should be considered as citizens with full rights. Camila, you mentioned that protest can lead to positive changes in society. Could you expand a bit on that? And could you also explain what are the effects of protest with significant youth participation? And how is it possible to assess their effectiveness?

Camila Teixeira

Sure. It's really not an easy task to measure whether protests or protest methods are impactful. And this is because protests have different goals and some aim for more complex objectives than others. So, for example, in 2019, we saw this global mobilization led by children fighting for climate justice. And more than 1.5 million children and young people organized school strikes and protests, I think, in more than 100 countries. So, it may be hard to see definitely that massive mobilization led to a dramatic policy shift, shift in combating climate change right? So, if you assume that the goal of the protesters was to end climate injustice, then you might think that those strikes were not successful or impactful. But if you consider how the climate strikes significantly changed the narrative and the discourse around climate and how they produced some immediate responses by policymakers, then you may be able to see that they actually did have an impact. So, when you consider success in impact takes many forms in fact, but despite this limitation, we have found some really good sources that assess protest effectiveness. And most of them also assess the effectiveness of peaceful tactics. One stream of research that has looked at the impact of mass protests that are nonviolent and aim to trigger regime change, and this is well-established research, they reached the conclusion that nonviolent campaigns aiming at regime change are more successful than violent ones. And why is that? So, there is a causal link between various factors. So nonviolent, prompt larger mobilization that brings more people to the streets and this in turn increases the legitimacy of movement. And it also leads to more people diversifying tactics, right, and more alliances and therefore more flexibility and adaptation in the face of repression. So as a result, more resilience as the movements proceed and it also, you know, large crowds also prompt shifts in the loyalty of those supportive of powerful actors. So large demonstrations, normally, also attract more attention from the media or authorities or whoever the protest target. And so protesters are more likely to be, to be heard, right, when protests are larger, and peaceful. So, the conclusion from this research is that nonviolent protests are more likely to achieve their goals and in turn, this can lead to more democratization and longer-term stability. This connects to my earlier points. So, as I said, young people contribute to protest being less violent, larger, more inclusive, more creative, more innovative and all of these factors contribute to broader success.

So, it's safe to assume that young people's participation contributes to protest success as well. We have also looked at various sources assessing specifically mass protests, that are led or involve young people and one of these, again led by Professor Chenoweth, also confirms that the…  there's a positive statistical association between the participation of youth in these types of protests and the success of these movements in the short term. But besides that, the researchers also consider that the wider repercussions of nonviolent mass protest after they are finished, right, so, the study found that greater youth participation was associated with improvements in key democratic indicators. So, this suggests that improvements to government structures and more consultative policymaking is resulting as these events, as these mass protest end. But the study also found, positive associations with the improvement of indicators such as infant mortality, which is a proxy which you could see as a proxy to broader societal gains. So, in a nutshell, youth participation in protest seems to be connected to more effective movements, but also longer-term gains for society as a whole.

Melanie Grant

I wonder, with youth participation or leadership in protests, are they resulting in direct improvements for young people?

Camila Teixeira

That's a very good question and it's a really interesting finding from the same research. So again, assessing mass protests with the participation of or led by young people, so the researchers found that even when mass protests are successful and achieve significant political change, youth leadership did not seem to produce direct improvements for young people and so the way they assess this is by looking at what happens to these countries are in this context, after five years of the end of mass protests, and they look at crucial social indicators like youth unemployment, and they noticed that they haven't really changed. So, there was no stronger association between youth participation in these protests and the reduction of youth unemployment and this suggests that use may not be deeply involved, right, in decision making, during or after the protest and their voices or their specific needs and demands may be sidelined, which result in the concerns being unaddressed. There are also testimonies from qualitative research, you know, interviewing young people who are confirming this. And in the case of mass protest, maybe newly formed government structures, you know, not really incorporating the views and the demands of young people adequately.

So, this means the political changes that actually were achieved as a result of young people's activism did not translate into practical gains for them in the new system. Again, we have examples of those. So, in Sudan, even though young people, especially women, were at the center of massive protests that happened in 2019, the political parties ended up taking over the control of the negotiations that followed the protests. and that ended up setting up a new civilian government. Also, many young protesters feel that their involvement is being used mainly for the political gains of other groups rather than addressing their own needs and their own aspirations. Because we live in an adult centric society, children may be at particular risk of being manipulated in this way or co-opted by older or more powerful groups within the movement. So, this instrumentalized option is also negative because it could lead to disillusionment, right? To a reduced trust in political processes, among young activists and of course, disenfranchised groups, marginalized groups, and women, they face even greater challenges in influencing the decisions within movements. I work for a child rights organization, so of course, we support the right of children and young people to demonstrate peacefully as an end, as a right in itself. But if I were a member of a civil society organization organizing protest, I think I would think of all of these findings as a way to reflect strategically as what it means to organize protests that have a higher chance of being successful. Right? So, I think for them, it's also strategic to defend this. Young people may help bring more people, as I said, you know, make protest larger, more peaceful, more effective. But on the other hand, this means these organizations also have responsibilities. They should educate adults to create inclusive spaces. They should empower, young people and create spaces for youth activism to flourish and make young people be seen as meaningfully engaged in decision making, not in a tokenistic way, but from the outset, and also in the aftermath of protest and whatever political process follow, these protests.

Patrizia Faustini

Camila, now I want to touch upon a related but slightly different issue. A recent survey by the Open Society Foundation in 30 countries found that only 57% of people aged 18-35 prefer democracy to other forms of government, compared to 71% of those aged 56 and above. So, what are the reasons for this dissatisfaction and the consequences on the political engagement of young people?

Camila Teixeira

Sure. This is also a really important question. And we discussed it briefly in our report, across generations, people's interest in politics as measured by opinion polls has stayed pretty much steady. And over half of people who are polled show an interest in politics. I say to have an interest in politics. But what we are seeing from the research, including the Open Society Foundation survey that you mentioned, is that young people and older generations have different views on democracy.

Young people are increasingly frustrated with how democratic institutions perform. And this is not only in absolute terms, but also in comparison with older cohorts when they were the same age. A study by the center for the Future of Democracy at the University of Cambridge assessed these dozens of political opinion polls in in many countries, and they suggested this frustration may be tied to young people feeling economically excluded, and well-established democracies not being able to deliver on their immediate needs. But also maturing democracies are developing democracies. Young people also see that persisting poverty and corruption also leads them to be more disillusioned with democracy. But it's important to note that this finding expresses a frustration with how democracy or democratic institutions work, not with democracy as an ideal, as a value to be followed. The majority of people in the world, including young people, still believe in democracy as a value. I had a really interesting conversation with a couple of our youth foresight fellows, Nahjae Nunes and Abril Perazzini, and this conversation is available as a podcast as well, focusing on democracy and youth. And we can add the link to our listeners if they're interested. I asked Nahjae this question: why young people are so frustrated with democracy, and he mentioned four reasons, which I think are really insightful and I thought I should refer to them as also a way to add the perspective of young people themselves since I'm not a young person. So, the first thing is that he talked about is this representational gap, right? So, he says traditional democratic institutions haven't really kept pace with modern societies, technological or cultural changes. So young people engage less with traditional political processes, not because they're apathetic, but because these processes don't really fit with their expectations. The second reason is, that he mentioned, is economic challenges and connecting to the research from Cambridge. So, he says when young people feel economically marginalized and they see the system is failing them, they believe the system is, that they believe in the system becomes weaker as well. So, when you're worried about what to eat or how to get to work, participating in democracy feels less urgent. And the third thing he noted is that even though young people are tech savvy, they often fall victim to misinformation, which creates cynicism about political processes. So, Nahjae, who's American, he talked about the US elections, the recent US elections, and he noted that during these elections there were targeted misinformation campaigns focused on young people. And they misled and confused young voters.

And this, of course, we know this issue is not exclusive to the US. It happens. It's a phenomenon that happens worldwide. But it makes young people more sceptical about the effectiveness of their vote. And they also shared the really interesting insight, you know, he said young people are not passive observers of the democratic backsliding, they're actively involved in these global conversations. They are attuned to what's happening in the world. And so, if you're a citizen of any country, and you're seeing established democracies struggle with issues like voter suppression and political polarization, or manipulation of voter districts, this also shakes your trust in the promises of democracy in your own country. Also, I guess on a hopeful note, we also talked about solutions. So, Nahjae, Abril and I, we also discussed some options of how to reflect on reinvigorating democracy. And we talked about a few things that I thought I should mention as well. So, one of the things is to invest in more significant reforms to political systems, not just cosmetic changes that, in the end, keep systems unequal and exclusionary. We talked about integrating digital platforms into official democratic processes and making them more consultative, more agile, you know, more flexible. We talked about the importance of preserving memory and learning from the history, including in the cases where we failed to protect democracy. And I discussed this in the context of Latin America. We also talked about combating misinformation and investing in digital and civic education as critical topics to focus on. And we spoke about enfranchising children, right, and giving children the right to vote and how transformative this can be. So, I hope that some of these things can inspire, our listeners.

Patrizia Faustini

Thank you. And those are all good points, to keep in mind, and you had mentioned also before about many barriers to political participation that young people face everywhere, so including the not being allowed to vote. So, could lowering the voting age to 16 or 17 contribute to expanding engagement in politics and faith in democracy?

And would this change empower them to drive legislative and policy reforms?

Camila Teixeira

I truly believe so, Patrizia. I think this question is also really timely, because we recently published an explainer about this debate surrounding the voting age, also because several countries have been discussing legislation to change the voting age. There are some arguments against this change, which in my view doesn't really have strong evidence. There are also many arguments in favour of voting at 16 or 17 and sometimes even lower. And I think there's a large body of research to support these arguments, which basically support, you know, that adolescents, particularly those aged 16 and 17, have the cognitive capacity, the interests, and should have the right to participate politically via casting a vote. But beyond that, the research has also shown that expanding adolescent franchise promotes positive impacts on the political community as a whole and on the strength of political institutions. So, voting early has a potential to instil greater political interest in young people as they age. And this is because voting is a habit, right? So, younger first-time voters are more likely to vote again in the following elections. A study in five Latin America countries that have lower the voting age, led by Professor Petrarca at the Australian National University, show that the enfranchisement had a significant impact on the trust in political institutions, particularly parliaments and parties and voting at an early age also impacts parents. So, research in Denmark, for example, led by Professor Dahlgaard from the Copenhagen Business School, found that parents were more likely to vote after their children became voters. So, in essence, voting at an early age contributes to strengthening faith in democratic institutions and interest in voting, which could lead to higher voter turnout. But, in addition to that, enfranchising children also has consequential reasons and voting is not just a right in itself. It also helps to define who the representatives are, who will be defining laws, who will be setting political priorities, will be making decisions about budgets and where the resources, public resources will be allocated. So, giving adolescents the right to vote can contribute to more politicians and policy makers, who are more attuned to the needs and the rights of children and young people as voters.

There are precedents to this in other instances in history, when large groups of the population were enfranchised. So, for example, in in Western Europe, social spending increased by approximately 1% of the GDP as of women got the right to vote. And in the US, where people are allowed to vote from 18 in federal elections, but in some states, they can register to vote at the age of 17 so that when they turn to 18, they can vote, there was a study on pre-registration so, and this was led by professor Bertocchi at the University of Modena. So, they assess, you know, how what happens when they register individuals at 17 and then they vote at the like the next election at 18, and they found that this promoted higher youth turnout for voters later on, and politicians were more responsive to the issues that matter to young people, including spending in higher education. So if you ask me, at a time of crisis, which I think is what we're facing at the moment with the significant democratic backsliding globally, I think enfranchising at least a share of adolescents, and particularly those that have the proven cognitive capacity to make political decisions on par with adults, maybe even better than adults, would make a significant contribution to strengthening democracy, and could ensure the active participation of young people and children in political life.

Melanie Grant

Is such a contentious thing. I can see arguments for, I can see arguments against, you know, at 16, I don't know whether I had the maturity to even understand the policies, but I do think it's… it would be an amazing thing to try and do, at the very least.

Camila Teixeira

So absolutely. But I think the issue of maturity needs to be considered in in the context of interest. So, we've seen from the research that adolescents at 16 or 17 don't really have very different levels of interest in politics compared to 18 and 19. So, why choose this random threshold of 18 right? So, and the maturity issue is kind of related to that as well. The cognitive science neuroscience, in neuropsychology also shows that adolescents at 16 and 17 have the same cognitive capacity to make decisions in a well-informed way compared with those that are just over 18 and 19. So, I really encourage you to have a look at the explainer and see this this debate and how these arguments answered to, and I hope that this will trigger some ideas. And my, my personal experience was good in terms of, that that's one of the reasons why I mentioned it early on, so many adolescents feel that their vote to not make a big difference. So, why would they be engaged in voting and take the trouble of going there to vote when they don't need to, right? In my case, it wasn't mandatory.

But I think that, if we invest in measures such as what we discussed early in what Nahjae and Abril have spoken to me about, including civic education and, you know, the ability to understand how the political system works and how each individual contribution can make a difference in the end for democratic institutions, I think then we could be instilling this new faith right in in democracy, in how processes work and how it takes time sometimes to, to achieve change and it starts with vote.

Melanie Grant

So is the explainer, accessible to the public? And if so, where can our listeners, that want to read, find the explainer?

Camila Teixeira

Sure. Yeah, this this explainer, but also the reports are also available on the website and you can share the links later as well. I should also mention that a really good report has been published by my UNICEF colleagues on policing protest and the responsibility of government, and law enforcement authorities and protecting children in assemblies. So, we can also share the link later on with our listeners.

Melanie Grant

Definitely. We'll put all the links on the episode description. Now, the report also foresees that process will continue to rise in the future. Why is that, Camila? You know, what can we expect based on the main drivers of protests?

Camila Teixeira

Yeah, I should say, you know, to begin with, that protests are hard to predict because they can happen and be triggered by various factors and they often happen unexpectedly, right? So, they there could be quick changes in social, economic, political, environmental context that could be, you know, aggravated by the polycrisis as well and then events happen very quickly.

And, as we've been talking about, you know, the technology driven mobilization that has been making progress happen also very quickly, could also trigger something, unexpectedly. But looking at some specific indicators, we think that protest levels will continue to rise in the future and we're looking to four main drivers. So, the first is past levels of protest, looking at the history of protests can give us some clues about what happens in the future and places with more frequent past protests are more likely to see more of them in the future. In addition, these protest movements also spread across borders. So, if it happened in a country, it can also be spread across borders as well to neighbouring countries. The second driver is food inflation, which is a strong predictor of protests and when people struggle to afford, you know, their even basic needs, they are more likely to protest. And we've seen since the pandemic that cost-of-living crisis has, deteriorated and this has led already to many protests. And we think that this trend is likely to continue, since food prices have not come down significantly in many places. The third factor is life satisfaction. So, people protest because of objective reasons, right? So, a legislation changes or a political shift or some environmental policy that they didn't agree with, but they also protest for subjective reasons as well.

So, people's perception on the quality of life is also a very important protest, trigger of protests. So, declines in life satisfaction, especially among young people, are strong correlate with civil resistance and we have seen a decline in these subjective indicators of life satisfaction for youth. For example, in Hong Kong in 2019, there were also mass protests there happening, and used to, the duration of youth life satisfaction was a major driver, in Hong Kong.

And there are also structural factors that may lead to more protests happening in a society. So, we know urbanization and, the fact that more people are living in urban areas can also trigger more protests because it's easier to protest in a city, since they have more resources, and you can gather people more easily. And typically, it's in the city that you find protest targets, right, Government authorities or the media. And we hope we know from demographic changes that a large portion of the urban population by, you know, the next 20, 30 years will be young people under 18, especially in developing countries. So, we think that this could lead to more youth driven protests as well.

Patrizia Faustini

And the report was prepared with the direct participation of young people. And they also share their vision about future activism. And what does it mean being politically active for a and person in the 21st century? And what is the youth vision for protests?

Camila Teixeira

Yeah, this was, this is correct. We did organize a series of consultations with young people and 29 young participants from more than 20 countries helped us think about their vision for the future of activism and protests. And they shared really interesting insights and, I guess, what they said was also the result, the result of this foresight exercise that we led, which helped them reflect on what they perceive about the current state of being politically active, but also the weight of the past and what they aspire to see in the future. So, the first thing that they said was that young people today recognize the urgent threats to the future and that they're going to, they're not going to be sitting back and, idly, seen waiting what happens. So, they perceive themselves as becoming more confident, more critical and more professional advocates, also strengthening their own skills to be able to attack these various issues.

The youth also see a future where the activism will be guided by research and science and evidence, and then they will be organizing protests even before something emerges. And so, they call this preventative protest, and they continue to see the value of nonviolence and civil disobedience and combatting injustice in a peaceful way. They also hope to see this continue in the future.

The second thing is that protests will continue to be more inclusive and diverse. And they suggested this even before I shared my findings with them. So, they're basically confirming some of the findings from the research, that young people will continue to amplify voices that have been marginalized and give voice to those that haven't been able to be heard before, and will also be able to harness their creativity and their artistic expression to engage more participants, including through what they call, you know, virtual protest. And of course, in this technology will play a critical role. They continue to see the value of social media and other tools to fight against authoritarian regimes, and to keep mobilizing collective knowledge and intelligence and bringing about democracy in that way and so to have processes and consultative protests as well. And finally, young people are saying that they expect more support from local, national and international organizations, including organizations like UNICEF because they see that that that kind of support helps their mobilization and helps hold government accountable. They were also critical of the media and hope that the media will be more transparent in portraying protests more accurately and promoting more positive impact of, the more the positive impact of youth activism. And they hope, I guess in a sense that they will be seen as equals, right, in running the world's affairs and in shaping policies and voting, and also even engaging us as young politicians to to have a more meaningful intergenerational dialog that could be leading to better policies and better legislations.

Yeah. So, in essence, I think young people are saying they're not just participants. They want to be engaged and be seen also as leaders who can guide our societies to to positive change and the demand they have for us, adults and policymakers and civil society organization and the media, is that we take them seriously.

Melanie Grant

So interesting!  It’s gonna be so interesting to see how the whole vision develops. Coming up, what would you say your recommendations for balancing the transformative potential of youth activism, while at the same time safeguarding their rights and well-being?

Camila Teixeira

I think as the first step, and building on what we discussed, is to recognize youth protest as playing an important role in building better futures and in making politics through other means. A collective, collaborative, and democratic way of making politics. When protests are peaceful and then when they respect the rights of others as well protest can be a platform for young people to share their demands.

And also, there aren't that many other channels or ways for them to express their political aspirations. So, we should recognize their value in that sense. So again, even if we don't agree with the demands that young people are making, at the very least we have to recognize that protests, that are led or have the involvement of young people, helped to raise awareness of the relevant issues in our societies and in many cases youth protest can also help to build support for positive change, as when I mentioned in the case of the climate strikes. And we should tap into this potential to reinvigorate our spaces for democratic participation and deliberation and especially for governments who hold the primary responsibility to protect and respect and fulfil child rights, they should take the demands of young people seriously. This involves, you know, creating both formal and informal platforms for young people to voice their concerns and actively participate in shaping policies that impact their lives.

It's essential that young people and children have their rights to peaceful protest and expression protected. Governments should support these rights and avoid interference, of course while providing adequate protection when children and young people do participate in protest. And government intervention in protest should also only happen in cases, that are based on legitimate grounds, like public safety, for example.

But, according to international law, these should be interpreted in a very narrow way, and that's often not the case. So, there should be a focus on violence prevention and de-escalation, as we discussed earlier in the case of protests that do turn violent, any force that is used must be proportional and necessary and managed by trained officials and force should only be used as a last resort.

And I think by following these recommendations, we can include, use activism in a in a more significant way and a safe way as well, ensuring the protection and empowerment of children and young people.

Patrizia Faustini

So now I want to just ask Camilla one last question. So, what are the three most urgent things you would like to have either more or less of for children around the world?

Camila Teixeira

Sure. It's a difficult question because, as we talked about the polycrisis and too many children facing war and persecution and famine and disease, one child is too many and there are hundreds of millions facing these challenges. So of course, addressing these things is obviously very urgent. But since our focus today is on civil and political rights and, I think I should restrict my ambitions to this particular area, all the things I want to propose are things I think we need more of.

And first, and I apologize for repeating myself, but I really want listeners to take this away from this conversation. First thing, I guess, is to recognize the role of children as legitimate political actors and as subjects of civil and political rights, including the right to peaceful assembly. And this means also reflecting accurately and fairly the contributions that they make when they do protest. The second thing, I guess, for a child rights organizations, youth organizations, lawmakers, for them to take seriously and consider the importance of broadening the electorate of rejuvenating voters by allowing especially adolescents 16 and 17 to vote. We have a lot, more that I could have spoken of in terms of evidence to support this decision, as I mentioned, you know, there is the explainer in case listeners wish to learn more. And I believe this could significantly reinvigorate the state of our democracies. And the third point is that we need to promote a significant overhaul in our political systems to be more inclusive of children and young people in their demands. We need younger voices in politics. We need younger voters and younger voices in politics. And I'm not just saying this because I believe in child rights. It's also about fair and adequate representation, which is a core democratic value. Of course, politicians of any age can be sensitive to child rights and child demands and there are many good examples of leaders who are really strong child rights advocates, but there's a disconnect between the age of the population and the voters and the age of our political leaders in most countries in the world, the leader is significantly older than the median member of the population and the mean average of the population: the global populations is in the early 30s right now while most political leaders are in their 50s and 60s, so there is a 20 to 30 year gap. And this has also consequential reasons. So, according to Freedom House, which is the thinktank that follows democracy indicators, an older political leader correlates with that country having lower, a lower position in rankings about the state of democracy. So, in a nutshell, I believe we have too many old men playing the cards in politics these days and I think it's high time we change it here.

Patrizia Faustini

Thank you, Camilla, for this, interesting conversation. A lot of food for thought. Definitely. Thank you very much.

Camila Teixeira

Thank you. It was my pleasure. Thank you for having me.

Melanie Grant

That's wonderful. Thank you so much, Camilla.

Patrizia Faustini

That was Camila Teixeira on her most recent report, The Youth Protest and the Poly Crisis, published by UNICEF. And what we heard is really timely and young people are interested in politics and care deeply about the critical challenges facing our society. So, they aspire to become more proactive and professional protesters and hope to continue to protest peacefully, which is, as we said, a child rights guaranteed by the Convention of the UN on the rights of the child.

And this should give you or us all a sense of hope in the construction of better futures. And policymakers should harness this potential and involve young people in decision making processes, don't you think? Melanie.

Melanie Grant

Yeah. It was, it was so interesting to hear how often the youth are marginalized but that has not stopped them becoming more involved in activism and becoming more vocal in protesting and peacefully protesting. I thought it was brilliant. Oh, it was really interesting also to hear Camilla talk about how young people are becoming more inventive and creative in the way they protest, you know, whether they are be using art or music and, you know, all of the different driving factors, whether that be climate change, Black Lives Matters or the cost of living, which I thought was interesting as well.

Patrizia Faustini

So thank you very much for listening. If you aren't already a subscriber, please do subscribe. And if you want to write to us, our email address is [email protected] or follow us @UnicefInnocenti on Instagram, LinkedIn and Facebook. Innocenti is spelled as I N N O C E N T I. This episode was produced by UNICEF Innocenti Global Office of Research and Foresight in collaboration with UMECast and the music composed by Hyder Cheema.

I’m Patrizia Faustini.

Melanie Grant

I'm Melanie Grant, and this is Present Imperfect.

Episode 2

Professor Cecile Aptel on children and justice

Present Imperfect, episode two: Professor Cecile Aptel on children and justice

Cecile Aptel

That was even the case in certain contexts when there were very high demands for children allegedly responsible for being involved into atrocity crimes to be brought to justice. And that was the case, for instance, in Sierra Leone, and there was a special court for Sierra Leone established by the UN. And again, there were strong local demands and expectations that it would prosecute some of the children who had committed atrocities, but it didn't.

Patrizia Faustini

Welcome to Present Imperfect, the podcast series dedicated to children's rights by the UNICEF Innocenti Global Office of Research and Foresight.

I'm Patrizia Faustini communication specialist at UNICEF Innocenti, and I'm joined by writer and journalist Melanie Grant. Hi, Melanie.

Melanie Grant

Hi. Thanks, Patrizia Glad to be back.

Patrizia Faustini

So today we will talk about children and the law with a special guest and an expert in human rights, security, and justice. But first, let's review the topic. Children interact with the justice system for many reasons. They can be victims, survivors, witnesses when accused of an offense such as an interested party or because an intervention is needed for their care, protection, health, or well-being.

The term access to justice defines their ability to seek and obtain a fair, equitable, and timely remedy for violations of rights, such as, for example, the right to a fair trial and equality before the law.

Melanie Grant

Now, today, we'll be discussing major concerns regarding violations of children's rights in juvenile justice systems, an area the Committee on the rights of the child has often paid attention to, and yet not seen as a top priority in many countries,  and will go through binding and non-binding international law, the legal standards pertaining to the protection of child victims of international crimes, and those children who allegedly participated in such crimes.

Patrizia Faustini

Let me also add that ensuring access to justice for every child means his or her legal empowerment, taking into account their age and evolving capacities. Establishing strong child protection systems to prevent and respond to neglect, abuse, exploitation, violation of rights are also functional to access to justice. The failure of those systems represents a real barrier.

Melanie Grant

Now, access to justice for children is central to the implementation of the convention on the rights of the child, and to achieving all the Sustainable Development Goals. They're also known as SDGs, in particular SDG 16 on just, peaceful and inclusive societies. Access to justice is both a fundamental human right and a mean to enforce other human rights. Yet children's access to justice is often overlooked.

Patrizia Faustini

That's true, Melanie. And to dive deeper into such a complex topic, we have a special guest, Professor Cecile Aptel. Cecile is an international legal practitioner recognized for her expertise in international criminal justice, international humanitarian law, human rights, and child rights. And she's currently the deputy director of UNICEF Innocenti. She is also professor at Fletcher and a visiting professor at Harvard.

Before, she worked for several United Nations entities, thinktanks and nongovernmental organizations at headquarters as well as in Africa, Middle East, and in the Balkans.

Melanie Grant

Until 2019, Cecile was director and acting Under Secretary General at the International Federation of the Red cross and Red Crescent. And previously she was the senior legal policy advisor to the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights. She contributed to the creation of several international mechanisms and tribunals, including on Syria, Lebanon, Bosnia Herzegovina and the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda.

She brings a multifaceted expertise to the topic of justice, informed by both child's rights and as a justice practitioner with firsthand experience of investigating and trying crimes.

Patrizia Faustini

And Cecile is also a renowned academic who has taught graduate courses, notably at The Fletcher School, Harvard, Pretoria and Oxford. She is a widely published author on children's rights, international law, and justice. And her recent book, Atrocity Crimes Children and International Criminal Courts is an invaluable resource for anyone working in the area of international criminal law, international human rights, child rights law, international humanitarian law, child protection and transitional justice.

And now let's welcome Cecile.

Patrizia Faustini

So welcome, Cecile, and thanks for taking time to be with us today. As you know, we will talk about children and the law, a favourite topic for you and definition and terminology are particularly important in this area. So, we often use different expressions as synonyms, including for example access to justice, juvenile justice, justice for children. Can you help us understanding them a bit better please?

Cecile Aptel

Certainly. And first, thank you very, very much for having me, Patricia. And I'm very happy to be speaking with you today. Yes. In the judicial context, the term juvenile justice usually refers to children who are in conflict with the law, who are accused or convicted of an offense. So juvenile justice usually refers to the systems that process children who are accused of having committed crimes.

As you rightly noted, many of the children interact with justice systems for many other reasons, not because they have violated laws, but because they are victims or survivors or witnesses or are interested party in the criminal proceedings. Many children need the protection of the law and interventions of the justice systems to provide them with the protection and guarantee their rights. So, this is why they need access to justice and what is meant when referring broadly to justice for children. So, these are the different terms between juvenile justice and more broadly, justice for children.

Melanie Grant

Cecile, it's Melanie here. Thank you so much for joining us. What are the most relevant child focused norms in both binding and non-binding international law, which regulate the juvenile justice system? And would you say there's sufficient?

Cecile Aptel

There are many of them. The main one is the Convention on the rights of the child, which is the main source on child rights generally, and also specifically when considering justice systems and children. The Convention on the rights of the child,  I'll call it the Convention, is binding, and it is important to recall that almost all states in the world, all but one, have acceded to it.

This Convention sets the overarching principles for justice. It also insists on crime prevention, diversion or exclusion from criminal process, meaning that children should be diverted or not go through criminal processes, and it also insists on rehabilitation rather than punishing children. It also addresses criminal procedure for children, the conditions of their detention and issues of privacy. This Convention has been interpreted by the Committee on the rights of the child, the UN Committee on the rights of the child, that's its role, it has interpreted these rules and advice on how to implement them. So let me insist on a few very important principles sets in the convention on the rights of the child. One: crime prevention. It is better to prevent children from committing crimes, for instance by investing in their education and community policing, and also investing in specific prevention programs.

A second principle too: diversion or exclusion from criminal processes. Children who are in conflict with the laws should preferably not be tried, but rather go through other systems like social systems and education systems. And these two are closely linked with the third important principle: rehabilitation. Efforts should be devoted to rehabilitating children rather than punishing them. Rehabilitation also contributes to creating a virtuous cycle, as rehabilitation help prevent further crimes.

So, you were asking other norms, there are many of the norms, in addition to the Convention on the rights of the child, although important ones for child justice and its implementation include the so-called Beijing rules, some model law on juvenile justice, the Vienna Guidelines and the UN model strategies, measures addressing violence against children in criminal justice. They are also, the so-called Riyadh Guidelines on prevention, the Bangkok rules that focus on mothers and girls, the Havana rules on child detention. So, you see that there are many, many, child specific, in fact, instruments. And then in addition, there are also other international texts which are not specifically about children, but more generally about justice issues. And they, of course, also apply and are very important when we consider justice for children. Among these are, for instance, the UN basic principles of restorative justice, the so-called Nelson Mandela rules on detention, and also the human rights instruments.

So, when we look at all of these norms, taken together, they form a very strong foundation for child justice. But you are asking whether there are sufficient. In terms of the rules, they are. But the challenge is that they also need to be made into law. They are non-binding norms, and they need to be translated into law by the states and then that needs to be applied in practice. And that's where we see maybe more weaknesses. So, a strong legal, a very strong legal foundation, but then the application is often lacking.

Patrizia Faustini

So, thank you, Cecile. It seems that there are many tools that apply to juvenile justice and I'm wondering what are the differences between the principle and approaches that underly a general justice system and that to be applied to juveniles. So, what are the differences? What are the main principles and approaches that you would highlight?

Cecile Aptel

So, overall, the principles of juvenile justice are those that I was just mentioning enshrined in the Convention on the rights of the child. They recognize and promote child dignity, child rights, sorry, and the best interest of the child considering the age of children. And they seek really to rehabilitate children without discriminations. And there are a number of other guarantees, overall, in fact, what the Convention on the rights of the child does is that it envisages a protective architecture that is composed of two parts that depends on the age of the child concerned: younger children, those below that the minimum age of criminal responsibility should be presumed not to be criminally responsible, and for children older that then that defined minimum age while they can be tried, the modalities known as those of juvenile justice should apply and the primary objectives should be rehabilitation and reintegration. So really what we see, is that there are those systems being developed and they are quite different from, you know, when we compare them with the principles and approaches that are those of the general justice systems, it's important to remember that children do, of course, benefit from all of the same human rights than adults, but the system that is there for them is much more protective and much more geared towards, first, diverting them or not having them grow through the justice systems, and -  two - seeking to rehabilitate them, when it's not always what we see in terms of justice for adults.

Melanie Grant

Cecile, what is the minimum age of criminal responsibility?

Cecile Aptel

The minimum age of criminal responsibility is the youngest age at which a child can be prosecuted and punished under a state's criminal laws. It is usually based on when a child is believed to be able to appreciate the nature of the crime that he or she has committed, and also the consequences of criminal acts. So, even if they have committed a criminal offense and actual crime, children younger than that age cannot be formally charged with the offense or subjected to any criminal legal proceedings. So, this is an important age because it can help prevent children being harmed by age in appropriate justice systems or even punitive approaches. The challenge is faced when looking at the minimum age of criminal responsibility includes the fact that the states and legislators in some countries may exclude certain types of crimes from that, for instance, state security.

They may also exclude pretrial or administrative detention or other measures. And so based on the age, they can also look at the age at the child, at the age at which a child is sentenced, rather than the age the child had when the offense was committed. In some states, the age of criminal responsibility is lowered for serious offenses, and those supportive of a lower age of criminal responsibility often react to headline grabbing media reports on the participation of children in serious crimes. For instance, when children are part of gang, that, you know, gangs that are involved in killings or armed violence. There are also problems with the interpretation, application, and alternatives, you know, for instance: shouldn't the application be based on an assessment of individual developmental delays rather than to be said for all? And this is an important question when we look at the minimum age of criminal responsibility. Also, a practical challenge is that the age cannot be readily proven in places with poor birth registrations, which are unfortunately many around the world. In any case, from a child rights perspective, an alternative to punitive sanctions is needed, providing appropriate social support to the development of the child and to prevent future contact with the justice systems.

Melanie Grant

It sounds like, the age of criminal responsibility is quite subjective, depending on where you go and what countries, and so forth. Would you say it's often so as the panacea for resolving the problem of juvenile delinquency?

Cecile Aptel

You're absolutely right, Melanie. There are very different, situations across different countries. In fact, the laws of many states stipulate a minimum age of criminal responsibility. But we don't have that in all states. And in those that have, we find different ages. In fact, you know, sometimes we have very low ages and sometimes it goes all the way to 18 years old. The Convention on the rights of the child requests states to have a minimum age of criminal responsibility, but it does not set an actual age. So, what we've seen is the Committee on the rights of the child repeatedly recommending that states, that are party to the Convention on the rights of the child, increase the minimum age of criminal responsibility. And for those states that do not have one, that they set it up. And so, what we have as indications on the part of the Committee on the rights of the child is indications that it regards 12 years of age as the absolute minimum age for criminal responsibility, and it has urged countries to continue to increase it to a higher level. But setting minimum age of criminal responsibility diverges considerably. And then also the practice, that's looking into the determination of that age and the standards that are applied also change. In some states, the age of criminal responsibility as low as seven years old, in others it is 18, as I was just mentioning. So, there is no global consensus regarding the youngest age at which a child can be deemed to form a criminal intent and be tried and convicted of a criminal offense. So, clearly, as you said, it's not a panacea.

Patrizia Faustini

And there are also divergent opinions on minimum age. Someone… many people, many think that it should be as low as possible to guarantee children access to fair trial and equality before the law. So, there are controversial arguments for sustaining one position or the other. So, it's a really critical point for children.

So, talking about the consequences that children may have when they come in conflict with the law, we know that even the minor involvement can have far reaching consequences for young people. So, what are the alternatives?

Cecile Aptel

You're absolutely right. I mean that the consequences can be really very challenging for young people, which is why the issue of privacy is so salient and why even when children are involved with the justice systems, they should really be record that keep their privacy, their name should not be made public, and then they should even be regular ways of expunging public reports, so that legacy doesn't really follow children once they reach adulthood and behind. But, as you rightly pointed out, there are alternatives and, you know, they hit much better that children go to alternative. States, first and foremost, can invest in preventing children from violating the law. And that's really important and it involves, you know, preventive measures for families, education, communities, media, social policies. I mean, a lot of issues that can be done to prevent children from violating the law and that can be done for the general public.

And then you can also have very tailored, prevention programmes that you get at certain categories of children because of the place where they live or because they live in poverty or because they're discriminated against. So, both general prevention program and tailored, specifically tailored prevention programs are important. In addition, as we've discussed, children should be diverted to fair, informal processes, that are more rehabilitative, that can be really, you know, social programs, education programs, again, as a way of not taking them to the criminal and through the criminal justice systems, but to alternative and seek to rehabilitate them. So, we always come back to the same principles when we think of criminal justice, you hear me constantly hammer this message in prevention, diversion and then rehabilitation. All of these seek to reduce the long-term effects of exposure or by, you know, ensuring that the children have alternatives. And as I was mentioning, it's also extremely important that the records be expunged of any forms of contact with the law or even the alternatives. The re-add guidelines that I mentioned earlier, the UN model strategies and measures addressing violence against children in criminal justice, really develop what preventive measures can be, they also set up means for the early diversion of children in contact with the laws that include warnings and again, education, restorative justice. UNICEF as the UN entity with the mandate of children is very active working with governments and other partners around the world on detention alternatives, but also justice alternatives and has developed guidance that are both, that is we find both has global guidance, regional guidance and also providing country specific services to advise teachers in that regard.

Patrizia Faustini

I am also curious about differences… gender differences in juvenile justice. Many times, when we think of children in conflict with the law, we tend to think of boys. But of course, there are also girls who are in conflict with the law. Are there gender differences in juvenile justice and in the pathways to justice between girls and boys?

Cecile Aptel

Yes, certainly there are but. unfortunately, there's also very large gaps in the availability of data on these issues. And that's true when we look at the differences between girls, girls and boys. And it's especially the case when we look also at non-binary understanding of genders. But yet we have enough information or data to really know that gender differences play a key role in the social understandings of especially how children deviate from societal norms or legal standards. For instance, when, while boys and girls share many risks factors for delinquent behaviour, such as deviant peers and low parental monitoring, girls also have gender specific development pathways to delinquency. They are more likely to enter the juvenile justice systems for offenses such as running away from an abusive home or for prostitution or abortion. These are obviously, you know, very different and really impact girls and not boys and in practice and that's terribly sad. Girls’ pathways to delinquency seem to be more often than boys linked to victimization experiences, such as physical retaliation against someone who has abused them or engaging in substance abuse to cope with the psychiatric symptoms arising from prior victimization experiences. So, so that's terribly sad and having a very negative impact on girls. But at the same time, data suggest that girls are also more often diverted from criminal justice systems than boys. So, there we find, you know, the gender balance being in favour of girls. Boys are less likely than girls to be diverted to alternative systems. We have some data back from 2021 that suggests that about 93% of children in detention globally, were boys, 93%.

Yet at the same time, we also know that in arrest and detention, girls face different risks and probably higher risk than boys in terms of privacy invasions, sexual violence, and interference in the role that they may have as primary caregivers of children themselves, their own children or siblings. So just by those, you know, few examples, we clearly see and know that there are gender differences, and we absolutely need more data to better measure and understand these differences. But I think that overall, recognizing gender specific risk factors and developmental pathways is crucial for designing much more effective interventions within the juvenile justice systems.

Melanie Grant

It’s unbelievable Cecile 93% are boys! That's quite a figure. You talked, you know, you talked about the pillars and so forth, and you talk about rehabilitation. I presume that for juvenile offenders, detention isn't the best solution, but does international law regulate the detention?

Cecile Aptel

Yes. Clearly, international law sets very clear limits in terms of the detention of children. The deprivation of liberty, which is slightly larger than detention because it's, for instance, when children are being held in police cells, for instance, so deprivation of liberty, including arrest, detention, imprisonment should be used, only as a measure of last resort under international law and so measure of last resort, but also, for the shortest appropriate period of time. So, no child shall be unlawfully or arbitrarily, deprived of his or her liberty. And the Convention on the rights of the child makes these very, very clear. Because deprivation of liberty is a measure of last resort, and again, as I said, for the shortest appropriate period of time, there must be alternatives to detention be made available for children. And to mention a few of these alternatives, they include counselling, probation, community service, community monitoring, their report centers, foster care and of course programs, educational programs or training programs and other alternatives to institutional care. So, there's a number of services and programs that states should put in place to have these alternatives to detention.

And, also, while detention is a measure of last resort for children, considering that some children are indeed deprived of the liberty, international law also sets rights for those children deprived of liberty. Every child, in these circumstances, has the right to prompt access to legal and other appropriate assistance. They have the right to challenge the legality of their deprivation of liberty before court or before another authority, and they have the right to a prompt decision on any such challenge. Importantly as well is that, when we look at children in detention, they should not be placed in adults’ detention facilities, but be separated from adults, although there are a few permitted exemptions, for instance, to be detained with the parents when it is in the best interest of the child. Children also have the right to maintain contact with their families through correspondence and visits, which means that children should be kept in facilities as close as possible to their, families. Residents are not sent to the other side of the country. Exceptional circumstances, you know, can actually exist where children should not be in touch with their families, but that's really exceptional and the principle is that they should be detained as closely as possible to their family’s residence. So, you can see that international instruments do provide really fair number of guarantees and why? It's because protecting children deprived of liberty is a particular concern because we need to protect them from all forms of physical or mental violence, and of abuse. In many countries, children deprived of liberty may be exposed or even subjected to violence from fellow inmates or even from the authorities. Sexual violence against children is a real problem in many places of detention. I mentioned it for girls. It's also unfortunate impact boys as well. At the hands of authorities, children are sometimes subjected to violence amounting to torture, with very limited opportunities to complain. Leaving behind closed doors, away from their families and often without external oversight, children are dependent on the goodwill of those in charge, so the Committee on the rights of the child has underlined that any disciplinary measures must be consistent with upholding the dignity of the juvenile. But, you know, just really clearly deprivation of liberty has very many negative consequences for the development of children. It really undermines the reintegration and, as we saw, the whole process of juvenile justice is to promote reintegration. Far too often, detention pushes children deeper into exclusion. So, you know, it's really, is important that we get children out of detention. If there is a risk that they, in fact, are exposed to more violence in detention, which in turn will augment the risk of them becoming involved in criminal activities, creating that vicious cycle, so again, that's why international law clearly limits the deprivation of liberty of children to be used only as a measure of last resort and for the shortest possible time.

Patrizia Faustini

Dignity is, something that we should remember in any situation, the dignity of human beings. And, children, including children, of course. So, it's something that we should preserve any time. And, thinking of that, I now want to ask you about children involved in atrocities, either as victims or perpetrators. Have juveniles been tried or convicted for crimes such as war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide?

Cecile Aptel

Thank you. Patricia, this is really something, very dear to my heart. You mentioned, I think earlier my recent book, that is entitled Atrocity Crimes, Children and International Criminal Court and I mean this is really clearly an area where on the one hand, you know, this is my book that focused on international court, but as I did the research, I also realized that this is an area where we need much more data, especially in terms of the practice at the national level. So, when we look at those atrocity crimes as you mentioned, war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide, there's not much indication that there's been many children being tried or convicted except for war crimes, and for international courts that, starting with the international military tribunals of Nuremberg and Tokyo that was established in the post second World War and going all the way to today, the situation that the International Criminal Court, international tribunals have not investigated all prosecuted children for committing these crimes. So, it's a very interesting area because at the same time, we know from also historical research and studies, that there have been children involved, including in fact, in, you know, under the Nazi regimes in Germany, the Japanese empire in Tokyo and yet, really, those historical international courts did not really look at the involvement of children. There's only been one exception, which was in East Timor, but that was an oddity because the child concerned was ultimately not convicted of an international crime. Instead, what we have seen, especially for international tribunals is that instead of focusing on the prosecution of children, they have omitted children from the scrutiny, and they have focused rightly, I think, on prosecuting high ranking leaders.

And that was even the case in certain contexts, when there were very high demands for children, allegedly responsible for being involved into atrocity crimes, to be brought to justice. And that was the case, for instance, in Sierra Leone, and there was a special court for Sierra Leone established by the UN. And again, there were strong local demands and expectations that it would prosecute some of the children who had committed atrocities, but it didn't. And that is because the international courts, prosecutors, you know, usually concentrate on those bearing the greatest responsibility commonly seen as the ministers, the generals and top leaders of armed groups. And in those that plan or orchestrate the crimes. And in so doing, they do not pursue the offenses committed by children who do not usually occupy those positions of authorities. So interesting to see that this is an area where we've not seen many developments at the international level, but in some national contexts, thinking, for instance, in contexts that include Iraq or Nigeria, we're seeing some of these prosecutions occurring now.

Patrizia Faustini

What about, then, children, victims of those atrocities? Have they historically received justice? Have the international tribunals dealt with them?

Cecile Aptel

So, for a very long time, these international tribunals did not, in fact, also pay much attention to children. Again, when we look back at the historical example of the Nuremberg and Tokyo tribunals, they did not pay much attention to children at all. In fact, it's only with the Special Court for Sierra Leone in the 1990s and especially 2000, that we start to see some international courts paying attention to some of the children victims of atrocities and, both at the Special Court for Sierra Leone and then very shortly after at the International Criminal Court, the attention was focused until very recently on one single category of children, and these are the so-called child soldiers, the children that were recruited by armed groups or armed forces to themselves directly participating in those cases. And I actually find that slightly problematic, because by looking at these specific categories, it has sometimes mudded the water, because those children are also those that sometimes, but not always, but sometimes are themselves involved in in atrocities. It is only very recently that we have seen much more efforts, at really broadening the scope and looking at a much broader set of children victims of atrocities. And that's really important because, we really know that in all contexts where we have war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide occurring, and we can think of, you know, recent and ongoing cases, children are certainly among the victims. So these efforts to really broaden the access to justice to these children is crucial because the lack of accountability for crimes against children ultimately leaves children vulnerable to further violations and abuses. And, you know, the reverse is that or, conversely, criminal investigations and trials raise the public awareness of the crimes that target children and so that's really important to help break the cycle of violence. I also think that criminal accountability can contribute to helping children heal and assist them in understanding that they are not to blame for what has happened to them. And that may seem obvious, but it's in fact not obvious when interacting with children victims of atrocity crime. For those that are able to come to court and testify in highly visible trials, it is a significant mean, for them to be given a voice, and realize their right to participate in hearings that concern them. In fact, there are studies that have demonstrated that for the great majority of survivors, including children, the ability to relate their stories provide them with a therapeutic experience and really, that is really important. And it also leaves, you know, record for history and education. So, I think that we need to really do much better in terms of documenting, documenting really the suffering of children in all of those contexts, where we have war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide.

Melanie Grant

Cecile, you talk about Sierra Leone, my grandmother was from Sierra Leone. So, it was always much the civil war was always much talked about in our household and so forth. And I often wonder, you know, some of those children, did they even think they were victims?

Cecile Aptel

I mean absolutely, Melanie, in fact. And I think really the truth is also that they were victims, it's extremely important that we see that for children, the context in which they grew up, the context of insecurity is often what led them to then turn to violence. There is, I mean, speaking of West Africa, there is a Nigerian say that is, I think, “a child is what you put into him” and that's very, very clear. The context influence children. And because they're recognized as much more vulnerable and also malleable than adults, it's clear that children that grew into a place where there is overwhelming violence, where we know also that children are influenced by peer groups, so especially adolescents, so, if they see many of their friends joining groups there, there's really, and there's societies, you know, being devastated. There's also very little access to education, very little access to opportunities and jobs. It's not very surprising that then children turn to violence or get involved into crime. So that's extremely challenging to, you know, reconcile the fact that they are victims and at the same time, they can, in certain circumstances, also be themselves involved into some of those crimes.

Melanie Grant

So, beyond the International Criminal Court, what's the situation today in terms of child victims or children victims of international crimes? Are there any lessons to learn? What would you say  the lessons and opportunities are?

Cecile Aptel

Yes, I think that there's many lessons to learn and we need to continue learning them. I think it's important that we recognize the specificity of children in all efforts where we try to promote accountability, especially, again, for war crimes, crimes against humanity, genocide. In fact, children are many among the victims, and sometimes they are the majority in certain contexts where demographically there are many, many children, they may end up being the majority of the population and the majority of the victims. So, they're not just a sort of an epiphenomenon, but they're rather possibly the average victims of international crimes. And I think that this reality is still not yet recognized. Also, in many contexts, children are directly targeted, often in fact, principally, sometimes exclusively, by the crimes. We were mentioning child soldiers. I mean, you know, it's not a crime to recruit another child, but it is a crime to recruit a child to participate in those cases. But also, any form of crime, affect children differently from others. If we think of forced displacement and in the context of displacement, of course every member of a family is impacted, but the children will be losing access to school, they'll be losing access to, or they'll be losing contact with their friends, possibly. That impacts them in a very different way than forced displacement for adults. And that's just to give you an example. And of course, there's a whole series of international crimes that include famine, that include deprivation from access to health facilities that have a particularly high impact on children because of their physical and psychological vulnerabilities as well. So, I think we really need to accept that children live through these crimes in a different way from adults and also exposing children to violence in their early years, which are their formative years, undermines their sense of what constitutes an acceptable behaviour. And I think that's really very important in terms of breaking the vicious cycle of cross-generational violence as well. So, I really do think that we need to collectively do much better in recognizing that children must be included in the accountability and justice efforts as stakeholders and also as right holders, children's participation and inclusion are absolutely essential to enable really justice. So, children must be recognized as victims because this acknowledges them, and also because it restores their dignity, and it empowers them.

Patrizia Faustini

Wow, Cecile, it was such an interesting conversation, and I learned a lot, really. But we have reached the end of this interview and I would like to ask you what are the next steps to take? What would you recommend to the fulfilment of a truly juvenile justice system in line with the Convention on the rights of the child?

Cecile Aptel

Thank you. Patricia. I really wish I had a magic wand and could really do a lot because a lot is really needed. But there's still many things that need to be done to strengthen, the state's, legislative and policy frameworks, but also to adjust laws and force enforcement and to develop more formal and informal institutions that cater for children. We also need better mental health services. We need legal assistance to be provided to children. And when we look at justice, we can't take it easily on from the associated issues of social welfare and therefore of public finance and budgeting. So, it's really there's a lot of intervention that are needed. So clearly a lot more to do there, I think. I mean, you've heard me already speak of the lack of data in certain areas. We really need to improve data about these systems. That's absolutely required together with research or evaluation, so that we can really assess what works best within the clear constraints of international law that we've discussed. Looking at those children that are in conflict with the law, we must ensure that protective architectures that is envisaged by the Convention on the rights of the child, is in place.

So, that's I mean, you know, to read it, reiterate what I was mentioning earlier, the children below the age of criminal responsibility should be presumed not to be criminally responsible and for those children older than the defined minimum age, juvenile justice should apply. And the primary objectives should be rehabilitation and reintegration. But more generally, Patricia, I mean, if I had this magic wand, I would really want to make sure that we do not have the tree hiding the forest and that, you know, the tree being the children in conflict with the law, those that we think of, when we think juvenile justice, and instead we look at the forest, which are the many other children in need of protection by the law and not those in conflict with the law, those children that are victims or survivors, that are witnesses. We need a lot more efforts to ensure that they are recognized as stakeholders with rights, and also with very specific needs. Let me really emphasize the importance for child survivors to have effective access to justice, meaning that their rights must be realized and that includes their rights to truth, to reparations, and also guarantees of non-recurrence of the crimes.

And that goes from a child living in an abusive home to a child living in a conflict, they should have access to, you know, they should be provided with guarantees that they're not going to be exposed again tomorrow or next week to the same crimes, so that they will not have to suffer all the crimes, especially atrocity crimes, but also that neither will other children. So, there is so much more to do and so much more to do to attain this. But thank you for giving me the opportunity of discussing this with you today.

Melanie Grant

Thank you very much.

Patrizia Faustini

Indeed, Cecile. And, so we thank you very much for being with us and for having talked to us on this incredible topic, which is really complex, as we can understand from what you just said. So, thank you very much, Cecile.

Cecile Aptel

Thank you very much.

Patrizia Faustini

We just heard Professor Cecile Aptel. And, it was really a great conversation, wasn't it? Melanie.

Melanie Grant

Fantastic. I learned so much from Professor Aptel

Patrizia Faustini

And me, too. And I think that children and the law is a very complex topic. And it's really a critical area for the fulfilment of children's rights. I mean, from what she said, I could not imagine any topic more complex and more central to the fulfilment of children's rights. I also think that it came clear from what she said that this is something which is part of a broader well-functioning child protection system which need to guarantee and defend the rights of the of children in many respects and to be in line with what established by the Convention on the rights of the child.

Melanie Grant

Yes. And what was interesting hearing from Professor Aptel is how the challenge, the biggest challenge is working with so many different countries who have different laws, different measures. When she talks about, the age of criminal responsibility, it's such a vast area, and that's just one element of it. I just thought it was it was very interesting.

And she's just got so much knowledge and you could hear the passion in what she was saying, you know, I really could.

Patrizia Faustini

Exactly, exactly. And also about dignity and about prevention as main measures to help children to cope with the situation where they can find themselves, depending on the state, the countries or the families where they grow, and that sometimes they're in a sense victim of what is going on around them. So, I think it was really a great, interesting conversation.

Melanie Grant

It really, really was. Thank you so much for listening to the podcast. If you aren't already a subscriber, please do subscribe.

Patrizia Faustini

And if you want to write to us, our email address is [email protected]. Follow us @UNICEFInnocenti on Instagram, LinkedIn and Facebook. This episode was produced by UNICEF Innocenti Global Office of Research and Foresight in collaboration with UMECast and the music composed by Hyder Cheema.

Patrizia Faustini

I am Patrizia Faustini.

Melanie Grant

And I'm Melanie Grant and this is the Present Imperfect.

Episode 1

Professor Ann Skelton on the Committee on the Rights of the Child

Present Imperfect, episode one: Professor Ann Skelton on the Committee on the Rights of the Child

Ann Skelton

A similarly interesting case around jurisdiction was a case about the children of foreign fighters living in the camps in northeast Syria. Grandparents of the children brought a case to the Committee, asking the Committee to direct France to repatriate the children, who were stuck in these camps. And, France's response to that was, well, they're not within our jurisdiction. They're in Syria. You can't ask us to act on their behalf.

Patrizia Faustini

Hi, everyone, and welcome to the Present Imperfect, a new podcast series dedicated children's rights by UNICEF Innocenti Global Office of Research and Foresight. I'm Patrizia Faustini, communications specialist at UNICEF Innocenti, looking after writing, disseminating and advocating for children's rights for more than 30 years now. And I'm joined by writer and journalist Melanie Grant.

Melanie Grant

Thank you for that introduction. Patricia. I'm so happy to be here.

Patrizia Faustini

And welcome, Melanie.

Melanie Grant

Today we'll talk about the Committee on the rights of the child. It's the body of 18 independent experts that regularly monitors the implementation on the Convention on the rights of the child, or CRC for short. It also monitors the performance of the Optional Protocols on involvement of children in armed conflict and on the sale of children, child prostitution and child pornography, and the third Optional Protocol, known as the acronym OPIC. Now, OPIC allows individual children to submit complaints regarding specific violations of their rights under the Convention and its first two Optional Protocols. To dig deeper into this topic, we have a fantastic guest with us. She's been the Chair of the Committee since May of this year, and a member of the Committee for more than six years.

Patrizia Faustini

Her work has had a huge impact on children's rights globally. But before coming to her, I'd like to talk about the Convention. The Convention was approved by the United Nations General Assembly in 1989, and today, 196 states worldwide have made a commitment to fulfill children's rights and help those who are the most vulnerable by ratifying the Convention itself. The Convention is also a prerequisite for achieving the 2030 agenda for Sustainable Development.

Melanie Grant

35 years… That's just such an achievement. It's amazing. It sounds like some progress is being made. Are the states on course to meet those 2030 goals?

Patrizia Faustini

Certainly, progress has been made, but unfortunately, according to UNICEF, two thirds of the Global goals for children's rights and well-being are off-pace to meet the 2030 targets, as the priority for states and countries who want to meet those targets is to include children's rights in action plans and children's rights can ultimately accelerate SDGs development achievements. And the Committee on the rights of the child can really play a huge part in supporting those states in reaching their SDGs.

Melanie Grant

So, SDGs Sustainable Development Goals. Correct? And what strikes me also is they've only got… states and countries have only got seven years left. That's not a lot of time.

Patrizia Faustini

No it's not. And we already know that some of those targets won't be achieved, and we will have the opportunity to dive deeper into this topic with our fantastic guest, Professor Ann Skelton. She's a celebrated South African child rights activist and a human rights lawyer.

Melanie Grant

In 2012, Ann was awarded the World's Children's Prize for the rights of the child. And she's currently professor of law at Leiden University, where she holds the position of Chair in Children's Rights in a Sustainable World.

Patrizia Faustini

She's also a widely published author on children's rights, education, law and restorative justice. But before we welcome and listen to UN, let's add a few more things. Over the past 35 years, the Convention on the rights of the child has represented a revolution in the lives of children. The Convention holds governments accountable for the well-being of their children and requests them to change the laws and policies to fulfill the rights.

And thanks to this, many more children have received health care, nutrition, education, protection from violence and exploitation, and many more children have got their voices heard.

Melanie Grant

It's such a positive thing that children are getting their voices heard, but it's still surprising to hear that an estimated 333 million children still live in extreme poverty, and about 263 million children and youth are out of school. And globally, almost 1 billion. I said 1 billion children have experienced violence in different forms. Now, the Committee plays both a monitoring role in reviewing the State Parties’ reports, as well as a guiding function in interpreting the content of children's rights provisions. They meet in Geneva for three sessions per year for a three-week plenary.

Patrizia Faustini

And in accordance with article 44 of the CRC, all States parties are obliged to submit regular reports to the Committee on the implementation of the Convention and of its protocols. Initially, they submit reports every two years after acceding the Convention and then every five years. However, from January 2024, the Committee will simplify the reporting procedures and State Parties will receive a list of issues prior to reporting, containing up to 30 questions. The State Parties will be requested to answer those questions, and this will constitute the State Parties’ report to the Committee.

Melanie Grant

In other words, this will ensure the State Party reports a more efficient and more effective, we'd like to think.

Patrizia Faustini

Now we have talked too much, and it's time to listen to Ann, Professor Ann Skelton and find out about the work of the Committee on the rights of the child.

Hi Ann and welcome and thank you for taking time to be with us today.

Ann Skelton

I'm delighted.

Patrizia Faustini

Do you mind introducing yourself, please?

Ann Skelton

Yes, I'm Ann Skelton. I'm currently the Chairperson of the UN Committee on the rights of the child.

Patrizia Faustini

Thank you. And today we will talk about the role and the function of the Committee on the rights of the child. And in your long experience as a member and now as the Chair of the Committee, what are the main challenges for the treaty body in implementing the CRC and translating it into concrete results for children?

Ann Skelton

I think one of the main issues is that states are at such very different stages of their delivery on children's rights. And so, when one sits in Geneva and we have different states coming to report to the Committee, we have to adjust to where the state is in order to be able to have a constructive dialog so that we can say to states, well, this is how far you are along the road, but there is still further to go. And of course, all states have further to go. But, where that goalpost is, you know, is different depending on each state. So, it's for us, it's an adjustment all the time of trying to understand the context and, to be honest, you know, we sit in Geneva, States Parties come to us, we only have a six-hour period with the, with the State Party, and there's an awful lot of information to cover. So, there are those kinds of systemic constraints that we have to deal with. And sometimes it's not easy for us to get our heads right into to what it means to be a child living in a particular state.

But we really do our best, and we're really assisted in that work by civil society organizations, by UNICEF, by national human rights institutions and children's commissioners who all bring us detailed information looking at their perspective. Of course, we have the reports from the States as well. And then we put all of this information together and, using all of that information, we are able to construct a picture to the best of our ability as to what's happening on the ground.

Melanie Grant

Ann, it's Melanie here. Thanks for joining us. I wanted to ask: are there states that are kind of showing or great examples of good practice?

Ann Skelton

There are so many, you know, there are many states doing really interesting, useful things in terms of how they're advancing children's rights. And it would be difficult to, perhaps wrong as well, to single out any one state or couple of states. But let's say that on, you know, one on a daily basis at the Committee we are hearing about innovations, good ideas, things that states are doing to try to raise awareness of children's rights in their societies, to properly budget for children's rights, to do child rights impact assessments so that all of their work is informed by a child rights perspective.

And so, we can certainly see that some states are really quite far down, down the road on those kinds of things. And then, you know, in particular areas of children's rights work, we see, different states, trying out new ideas, trying different things. And, and sometimes with very good results.

Melanie Grant

Do you have any examples you could give us in?

Ann Skelton

Well, I would say that in terms of child rights impact assessments, we've seen some states actually ensuring now that every law that goes through Parliament is subject to a child rights impact assessment, that budgets identify child rights allocation so that one can actually see how much the government spending on children is. You know, because traditionally governments say this is how much we spend on education, this is how much we spend on health, you know, this is what we spend on defence and so on, but trying to work out what is the children's piece of that is more difficult. And what we have seen is that some states have now really gone further and been able to do that. Another, area that I would say we've seen a lot of activity is in child centred justice systems, people trying to create better environments for children.

There are some very good examples where child victims of sexual abuse, for example, are going through highly specialized systems that prevent them from secondary trauma. There are many countries that still have a long way to go on that, though. We've seen, a reduction in the amount of the reliance on institutions. We've seen, great reductions in the number of children in prison. In some countries this has got down to virtually no children in prison. We've seen some states doing quite well in reducing, you know, getting rid of the deprivation of liberty of migrant children. But not all have managed to do that. So, these are some of the things that we're looking out for and that we are seeing that, we, you know, give a strong tick to those kinds of initiatives that have these results.

Patrizia Faustini

Throughout the reporting process, have you identified recurrent areas where children's rights are mostly at risk of not being implemented?

Ann Skelton

Let me start by saying that I think what I, what I think has been achieved is that most countries now do have good legislative reform processes that have, you know, introduced new laws that are child specific laws, so, child protection laws, child justice laws. We've seen a lot of law reform over the last 35 years. We also see that most states have now put governance structures in place that focus on children so that there is some level of governance that focuses specifically on children's rights, although sometimes that might be within a ministry that's also about women, for example. Then we … where we also see good follow through, I think, is having a national plan of action for children. Most states have this as well. They have goals and targets. What I think is less tangible is mechanisms for accountability. So, in other words, when states fall short, how will children and people who are acting with and for children hold states accountable? And this is less tangible, and, and more difficult to see where the benefits have been so that, for example, do children have complaints mechanisms that they can take up any concerns that they have to a children's ombudsperson, a children's commissioner, a national human rights commission? What are their avenues for redress, and where will they access these? Because, after all, you know, they're going to be in schools or in communities. And, you know, they don't know that you've got to go to the Human Rights Commission where that is whatever. So, accessibility of those kinds of complaints mechanism is a big thing. And then ultimately how … what other mechanisms are there to hold states accountable? So, in states where they're not all children are in school, for example, how could, those working for children take up that fight and say, this is unacceptable? We want every child in school and that must be done by a certain date. So even in some instances, using the courts, if necessary, we do see that happening in some countries. But in some countries, it's very difficult to achieve. And this is an area that I think, this whole access to justice and forms of accountability and redress, this is where we think more work needs to be done.

Melanie Grant

It's interesting you say that, because earlier I was mentioning… I was asking Patricia about, you know, how does a child in a rural village, how does that child access the complaint system, how do they find a place where they can literally talk and tell somebody in authority that they are going through what they're going through?

Ann Skelton

Exactly. So, you know, these may be one structure that you could set up in that kind of environment just to have an advice office that then links through to the the children's Ombuds office, you know, or maybe if you don't, if there isn't a resources for that, one could have school teachers being aware that they would need to refer complaints to another body or office.

So, these are, these are some of the ways in which one would do it. Perhaps this is a good moment to also say that beyond the Committee's usual monitoring role of monitoring State Party compliance with the Convention on the rights of the child through State Party reporting, when states come and report to us and then we have a dialog. Over and above that, we also have the third Optional Protocol on a communications procedure, which allows individual complaints to be brought. So the general reporting system is not an individualized complaints system, you know, it, it doesn't help to redress rights violations on an individual basis. It looks more at the systems, systemic change. But this Optional Protocol does allow children who are in states that have ratified the Optional Protocol - so that's a bit of a drawback, I'll come back to it- but those who are in states that have ratified the Optional Protocol can seek redress. They do first need to try and do that at the domestic level though. And that's why states need to build those layers of accountability so that children can attempt to do that in the State Party, because we want remedies to be close to where the children are. They shouldn't have to come to the UN Committee on the Rights of the child to get, you know, their questions answered, or their rights righted. So I think they, they, they should be able to do that. But if they can't get justice at that level, then they can bring a complaint to the Committee on the rights of the child and the Committee then may well find a violation of rights and… and, you know, set out what redress is necessary.

Patrizia Faustini

You just mentioned the third protocol. How many countries have ratified it and is it an instrument children use in those countries?

Ann Skelton

50 countries have ratified the third Optional Protocol. So, you know, that's 196 countries have ratified the Convention on the rights of the child, which is almost universal ratification, only the United States has not ratified it. But then, the Optional Protocol is still lagging behind, so not even half of the states have have ratified that yet. However, I mean, it’s not unsubstantial, 50 states are still quite a lot, children have been using it and we've had some very interesting cases brought on a range of subjects and some successes. So, let's, let me give you a nice example of children from Spain. Children in the, in the enclave of Melilla, who are Moroccan children living with irregular status. But according to Spanish law, they were entitled to access education, even though they had an irregular status because they were living in Melilla.

But the impediment was that they there were a lot of rules around how you could prove your residence. And most children were just unable to prove their residence, and they couldn't access school. And one… one girl brought a case on behalf of herself, but also, she'd been working with other children as well and we soon got several cases like this.

But this first girl who brought a case, the Committee set interim measures and said, right, well, we are going to deal with this case. It'll take us a while. But in the meanwhile, please get this child into school and then we will… we will proceed to consider it. Well, they put her in school immediately. So actually, her problems were solved.

And then later we had other cases where we actually handed down decisions. So, she has actually, made a video thanking the Committee about this as well and as part of the 75th UDH celebrations, that is going out publicly, about how the… this communications procedure can be so directly effective. But we've had other cases, you know, we had a case about a girl in Peru who was… who became pregnant as a result of incest at the age of 13, who was then denied access to an abortion, although this is what she wanted and needed for her mental and physical health. And, Peru was found to have violated her rights. And I think that this, we hope, will also, you know, send a message to other states that… that have such, such systems that deny access to reproductive health rights for adolescent girls. And we've had a lot of cases on migrant children, a lot of cases on migrant children, including, age determination cases, how states should proceed with the fact that undocumented children don't always know their age. They say they're 17, the states tend to say: “we don't believe you” and so the Committee has set out how that… how that should be done to be in compliance with the Convention. And then, of course, we also had a very big case on climate change brought by 16 children. Ultimately, the Committee ruled that case inadmissible on the basis that the children didn't try to exhaust their domestic remedies first. But we did make some big decisions in that case about how states could be held accountable for harms done to children, even though the children are not living within those countries. So, in other words, one of the countries was Germany, for example. So, some of the children were living in Marshall Islands, but were bringing a case against Germany because they said that the climate change harms had, you know, Germany had contributed to those climate change harms. And the what the Committee basically decided was, if you can prove the harm, then it doesn't matter whether you were living in the country or not. If you can show causative link, you would be you may be able to show a rights violation, so that was quite a breakthrough. And a similarly interesting case around jurisdiction was a case about the children of foreign fighters living in the camps in northeast Syria.

Grandparents of the children brought a case to the Committee, asking the Committee to direct France to repatriate the children, who was stuck in these camps. France's response to that was, well, they're not within our jurisdiction. They're in Syria. You can't ask us to act on their behalf. Well, the Committee found that, France was able to change this children's situation and had the power to do it because acting as, as a government with consular services and so on, they can bring children home. And so we said, well, if you, if you can you're able to then there is an obligation to and I'm pleased to say that France has brought many of the children back to France since that decision.

Patrizia Faustini

Following on what you just said about the climate change issue, as you know Ann, UNICEF is claiming that climate change is a child rights crisis, and young people seem to know this very well. So, do you think that it will succeed in drawing the attention of states to the cause and how they can do that?

Ann Skelton

Well, this is very high on the Committee's agenda at the moment. Our most recent General comment is General comment number 26 on children's rights and the environment, with a special focus on climate change. And indeed, the genesis of this General comment arises from children's own urging from children's expression, of their concerns about climate change and their desire to have a space at the table.

They want to be part of these conversations. So actually, there's been a huge amount of interest in this General comment. I would say it outstrips, all the interest that we've ever had in any previous General Comments since I've been on the Committee. And, there's a kind of groundswell of activity that's arising from this, from children themselves as well.

In fact, over 16,000 children were involved in, in, in commenting on this General comment and they are now also very interested in implementing it. And at Cop, for example, there are special side events with UNICEF on this very topic of children's involvement in climate change activities. So, I think what the Committee's position on this has been that obviously we are concerned to make clear that children have a right to a clean, healthy and sustainable environment and that this is rooted in the Convention through the rights to health, the right to education has been also affected, many substantive rights are affected, but also children's rights related to agency. So, children's right to freedom of expression, children's right to be heard, children's right to be involved in decisions that affect them. So, we've also highlighted in our General comment that states must acknowledge that children have a right to participate and… and make space for them to be able to… to do so. So, we, we do note that some governments have included children in their delegations, you know, there are some encouraging signs that children are more and more being included in some of the conversations. But in other respects, there's still quite a long way to go. But I, I would say in short answer to your question, I'm optimistic. I feel that this is getting a lot of attention that children are… children have pushed themselves to the forefront. And, adults are beginning to listen.

Melanie Grant

I wonder, can you tell me what General comment number five is about?

Ann Skelton

Yes. Well, General comment number five, one of the early General Comments really, was about general measures of implementation. So basically saying: if you are going to implement this Convention on the rights of the child at the country level, how are you going to do that? What will the building blocks be that you'll put in place? And we've already in this podcast spoken about some of them like legislation, law reform, having child rights impact assessments. Some states have opted for a full incorporation. So in other words, they take the Convention on the rights of the child and they fully incorporate it into their law. Some go for a partial incorporation where they might say, take the principles, key principles from the Convention and adopt them in their Constitution or adopt them in their law. And then that's a partial, implementation. Some states implement simply through changing their laws and aligning with the Convention. Now, the Committee doesn't say that any of these is unacceptable. I mean, obviously full incorporation is a very high, high line. And in terms of how to do this, but, and it's and we encourage it. But at the same time, we do see that some states have been very successful without full incorporation, but nevertheless have done well. I'm from South Africa and my own country has not fully incorporated, but has, nevertheless, brought most of its laws and practices in line with the Convention.

Melanie Grant

You mentioned, like the State Parties, they generally comply, or what I'm saying is how the State Parties comply with the general… those kinds of general measures that you mentioned is that something that's there they're easily, achieving or is it something that's taken a lot more work?

Ann Skelton

Well, I would say that, you know, having an implementation plan is something that most countries can easily achieve. Even law reform is relatively easy to achieve. But it's transforming the words on paper into real change, into real action. And this requires budgeting, systematizing, ensuring that your staff or your frontline workers are really well trained and really know what they're doing on children's rights. That is much more difficult to achieve. And I just I can't say that… I can't really say that has been fully achieved, you know, yeah.

Patrizia Faustini

Taking from that, what is the role of the so-called civil society and of the UN agencies in the process of implementing the CRC as well as in supporting the Committee on the rights of the child? Is that role recognized in the text of the Convention?

Ann Skelton

Well, I think they play a hugely important role. You know, the… when states parties come to report to the Committee, we tend to focus on that almost as though it's an event, but it's not an event. It's just one point along a cycle of monitoring. And what happens for the other 4 or 5 years in between the reporting is what's really important, because that's when the change happens. And that is we… the Committee hands down concluding observations, which I like recommendations, and civil society often is the player that will hold government accountable on that to say: “look, the Committee on the rights of the child said that you should do X, Y and Z, you haven't done it yet, in two years’ time you've got to be reporting, isn't it time that you started to put this into operation?”. UN agencies like UNICEF also play a very strong, supportive role for government. Also, using these concluding observations as one of the guiding sets of principles that they're operating within, and also supporting government to be able to do that. So, the cycle requires this kind of engagement of civil society and UN agencies with government to try to ensure that government actually keeps on track and doesn't just, you know, put that aside and wait until it's nearly time to report again and then brush it off and say, oops, we didn't do everything we were asked to do. No, it's got to be part of an ongoing, that's the idea. So, the Committee is doing the monitoring at international level, but the UN agencies and civil society are doing the monitoring at the national level. Government should be doing its own monitoring as well, of course. But independent monitoring is very important. And this is also where the UNHRI, the national human rights institutions are important to. And then of course, when we are getting the reports to the Committee, the… we do rely on civil society and UN agencies and UNHRI to provide us with the additional information so that we have the full picture, in order to be able to put questions to the government and to make the recommendations that we do.

Melanie Grant

And I imagine that a lot of the organizations, including UNICEF, non-governmental organizations, kind of play such a major role in raising public awareness about the Convention on the rights of the child and its goals and its aims. How do you… what would you say? How do they contribute to supporting their implementation and what … what is the relationship with the Committee, with all the other organizations as well?

Ann Skelton

Well, again, the Committee has an open-door policy, really, with regard to civil society organizations. We often co-sponsor events that are run by civil society side events, are a common thing that we would collaborate in. We often have, lunchtime, briefings from civil society organizations when we are in Geneva at the Committee. But in between there's a constant flow of interaction and engagement around particular thematic areas. So we rely on being provided with up to date information by civil society. And they also, like to have their engagement with us because it can raise the profile of events that they're having. And raise the… the level of awareness of children's rights that they are striving to achieve. We work very closely with a Geneva based organization called Child Rights Connect, which is the kind of umbrella body that connects a lot of organizations in. And they are also the key partner that helps us with child participation because besides civil society actors, in addition or through civil society actors, we get to meet children at the Committee because children come to our pre-sessional working groups. And tell us about the situation in their countries. Sometimes they come to Geneva and we meet them and have… have discussions with them one to one, which is a very good experience for us. But sometimes we meet them online because obviously it's expensive and difficult to bring children. And also this helps to make it a more diverse group of children that we can meet with because we are able to use electronic means. Again UNICEF might play a role in this by making their offices available for those kinds of interaction and so on. So, this…. I think without civil society partnerships, that would be very difficult for us to do.

Patrizia Faustini

And you just mentioned UNICEF. What's the role the Convention assigned to UNICEF in supporting the work of the Committee?

Ann Skelton

Well, there's a there's a huge amount of work that is done. So, at the at the national level, we have a very close relationship with… with UNICEF. We have biennial meetings with them, and we have a work program that we have together. We have a working group of our members that meet regularly with UNICEF in order to make sure that we are making progress. Along those lines, when we are working on our General Comments, we usually do this with the support of UNICEF and, with… with, strong interaction and engagement, and then around specific projects or programs, you know, we… we may also engage with UNICEF. So those are all the kind of more specific ways. And then, of course, in the State Party reporting, as I've explained, UNICEF plays a very important role and is… is viewed as a highly valued partner in the monitoring process.

Patrizia Faustini

As, you know, one, there is a close connection between implementing children's rights and achieving the Sustainable Development Goals by 2030. Where are we with this process?

Ann Skelton

Yes, there is a symbiosis between children's rights and the Sustainable Development Goals and in some instances, the Sustainable Development Goals actually go further than the Convention. Education is one good area where, although the Convention on the rights of the child only actually commits states parties to provide free, basic education at the primary level in immediately realizable at the primary level, the Sustainable Development Goals saw states committing to free education all the way through secondary school as well. And the Committee on the rights of the child frequently refers to the Sustainable Development Goals in our concluding observations and reminds states that they've made these promises and commitments, and so they must fulfil on them. What is worrying is that with the pandemic, I think a lot of states fell back somewhat on their progress in in line with the Sustainable Development Goals.

And so, many states might not be achieving the goals as, as they were previously, set. So, what the Committee has been doing of late is actually interrogating that a little bit more and asking the states, what their situation is in relation to that.

Patrizia Faustini

Ann, we are almost concluding our interesting conversation, but before closing, I'd like to ask you a challenging question. Children are called in war torn countries where even basic humanitarian principles are not respected. How does the Committee navigate such a complex situation? How can the Committee help those children in having their rights respected?

Ann Skelton

It is, as you say, a situation, a time at which children's rights are in crisis in the world. On this year's Children's Rights Day, the Committee issued a statement in very somber mood, pointing out all the situations of armed conflict all over the world that are devastating children's rights. So, the Committee has a somewhat limited mandate. We're not like special rapporteurs that can go easily and do country visits or anything like that. But what we have been doing is we've been issuing statements quite regularly, drawing attention to the concerns. We’ve joined the call for cease fire, for example, in Gaza. And we've also done quite a lot of work behind the scenes trying to understand better situations like the children in Ukraine, in terms of how so many children were displaced and have gone over borders, and we've been having discussions about how to ensure that there's proper management of all of those processes. So, we are in touch with agencies that are doing the work on the ground. But we don't really have an institutional capacity that allows us to directly work on this. But we… we are closely in touch with organizations that are working on the ground, and we're monitoring it as best we can. And we continue to strive to, you know, send a strong message out there about the fact that even in times of war children's rights have to be upheld and, you know, both international human rights law and international humanitarian law must be respected.

Melanie Grant

Reading about you and your work is just amazing. And I just wanted to find out, you know, obviously there's there must be so much reward in… in what you you've done and… just is there any one highlight of your work that you just say you sit back, and you look at and you say, you know, that's something that I'm really proud of?

Ann Skelton

Well, it's very interesting that work… this work is never done….    There isn't a lot of time to rest… rest and look back and say, well, that was great, you know, because there's still so much work to be done ahead. So, I don't do a lot of that. But I will say that I think that the work that I did on the ground in South Africa for many, many years was extremely rewarding because it was very easy to see the tangible results of what I was doing, because I was right there on the ground, and we managed to reduce the number of children in prison from 4000 down to less than 100 over about a decade. So that was a big achievement. But, of course, I didn't do it alone. One never does that kind of thing alone. But, you know, I think, there really is no time for complacency because no sooner have you turned your back on that than there's another new problem that has arisen. And so, yes, I think the answer is you just have to keep your sleeves rolled up and keep going because, you know, there's always more work to do.

Melanie Grant

Thank you for keeping on going, you know, it's brilliant. Thank you.

Patrizia Faustini

Yeah. It's a sense of hope, then, that we will continue to monitor and defend children's rights wherever they are. So, I think that we have come to the end of this, fantastic interview. And any final words you would like to say before we close?

Ann Skelton

Well, perhaps to say that the achievements in children's rights are worth recording and thinking about the fact that if we look back now, over the last 35 years since the Convention on the rights of the child came into operation, we can see huge improvements in children's rights. And that is important, not because we should all be happy with that sense of achievement, but more because it should… it does give us hope. Things can improve and they continue to improve, and we must not allow a sliding back. The world feels a little bit as though we're at that space now, so that means we need to redouble our efforts. But what we've achieved in the past does tell us that consistent hard work, a delivering of the same message all the time, does mean we go forward. And that's what we've got to do continue to go forward.

Patrizia Faustini

Thank you, Ann, for this brilliant conversation and for taking time to be with us. It was a real pleasure to listen to you.

Ann Skelton

Thank you.

Patrizia Faustini

So that was Professor Ann Skelton. What a fantastic conversation!

Melanie Grant

I think Ann is, amazing. She's just achieved so much and she's got so much energy. She doesn't stop the fight. She keeps going, and I just think that's very, very inspiring.

Patrizia Faustini

Yeah, exactly. And a lot of hope for the work that the Committee is doing and for the support it can offer to children worldwide. So really inspiring.

Melanie Grant

Yeah. She's changing lives globally, isn't she? And and that's such an amazing thing.

Patrizia Faustini

So now I think we have come to the end of our podcast. I want to thank everyone for listening to the show and hope you enjoyed the podcast and the conversation as much as we did.

Melanie Grant

Thanks so much for listening to the show. If you aren't already subscribed, but please do subscribe to the podcast wherever and however you get your podcasts.

Patrizia Faustini

If you want to write to us, our email address is [email protected]. If you want to follow us, we are @UNICEFInnocenti on Instagram, LinkedIn, Facebook and X. This episode was produced by UNICEF Innocenti Global Office of Research and Foresight in collaboration with UMECast and the music composed by Hyder Cheema. I'm Patrizia Faustini.

Melanie Grant

And I'm Melanie Grant.

Patrizia Faustini

And this is Present Imperfect.